Priest-warriors not only used violence to defend their sectarian institutions but also launched attacks on rivals, both secular and religious, in order to maintain if not expand the wealth and power of their sect. In priest-warriors entered into a period of decline when the warlord Oda Nobunaga, in his quest to reunify Japan, ordered his army of 30, to kill the Tendai-affiliated priest-warriors located on Mt. Hiei outside of Kyoto. Somewhere between 1, to as many as 4, are estimated to have been slain. The remaining priest-warriors, now mostly affiliated with the Shin True Pure Land sect, were killed by Tokugawa Ieyasu.
Tokugawa defeated the last of them and took control of the entire country in That said, it was possible for Buddhist priests to volunteer to become non-combatant military chaplains and, as far as the Zen school is concerned, it is here we find our first Zen master on the modern battlefield, i. I wished to have my faith tested by going through the greatest horrors of life, but I also wished to inspire if I could, our valiant soldiers with the ennobling thoughts of the Buddha so as to enable them to die on the battlefield with the confidence that task in which they are engaged is great and noble.
I wished to convince them of the truths that this war is not a mere slaughter of their fellow human-beings, but that they are combating an evil and that, at the same time, corporeal annihilation really means a rebirth of the soul, not in heaven, indeed, but here among ourselves.
As noted above, this is not surprising inasmuch as Zen monks of military age were treated as any other draft-age Japanese male. At the age of 21, however, he enlisted in the Imperial Army where he served in the Thirty-third Infantry Regiment. After completing an initial three-year enlistment Sawaki left the service but was immediately recalled due to possible war with Imperial Russia. Following the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in February , Sawaki, aged 25, was sent to northern China to fight Russians in the summer of that year.
However, he was seriously wounded with a shot through the neck on August 31, and nearly died. The severity of his wound required him to be sent back to Japan for treatment and, upon recovery, he once again returned to the battlefield in January In January , aged 27, Sawaki was discharged from the military. He had served for six years and risen through the ranks to become a non-commissioned officer and squad leader. Upon leaving military service, Sawaki immediately resumed his Zen training.
It was at the battle Baolisi temple on June , . By comparison with contemporary warfare, fighting in those days was an elegant affair. You just shot one bullet at a time, bang, bang. There was no rough and tumble about it. That is to say, there was no raking machine-gun fire spraying bullets everywhere or big guys you had to take down. Nor were there any atomic bombs that destroyed everything and killed everyone.
Nevertheless, during the Russo-Japanese War my comrades and I gorged ourselves on killing people. Especially at the battle of Baolisi temple, I chased our enemies into a hole where I was able to pick them off very efficiently. In the same book Sawaki recalled the following conversation among his comrades, providing what is perhaps the first modern reference to the effectiveness of Zen training on the battlefield.
Unlike centuries past, the reference does not concern a warrior who had received Zen training, but rather a Zen priest who finds himself on the battlefield. Note that even ordinary soldiers recognized the efficacy of Zen training in battle:. Saying this, they were very impressed. I also thought I was something special.
Looking back at it, I was very conceited. Before continuing, let me briefly interrupt the narrative at this point to describe a phenomenon that has happened so often in the past, most especially when describing D. Readers interested in this question are invited to read a detailed discussion of this and related translation issues in Appendix I of this article. Suffice it to say at this point, these translation-related issues are far more important, at least to the disciples involved, than they might appear to be to the disinterested reader.
The reason for this is that the Zen sect claims the Buddha Dharma is transmitted through enlightened masters to their enlightened disciples. This issue, too, will be discussed further in Appendix I. Returning to Sawaki, in later years he described what he learned from his battlefield experience as follows:. Following the end of the fighting I had the opportunity to quietly reflect on my own conduct. I had been like those who in the act of laying down their lives sought something in return. That is to say, I had been like those who so wanted to become famous, or awarded a posthumous military decoration, that they were ready to lay down their very life to get one.
Such an attitude has nothing to do with [Buddhist] liberation from life and death. Such fellows have simply replaced one thing with another, exchanged one burden for another. They sought honor and fame for themselves through laying down their lives. This is nothing other than the substitution of one thing for another. Even had they succeeded in acquiring these things, one wonders whether they would have been satisfied. In any event, this is what we identify in Buddhism as being endlessly entrapped in the world of desire.
There are various kinds of desire, including the desire for fame as well as the desire for wealth. Discarding desire, however, means giving up all forms of desire. Religion exists in the renunciation of all forms of desire. This is where the way is to be found. This is where enlightenment is encountered. Expressed in terms of our Japanese military, it denotes a realm in which wherever the flag of our military goes there is no ordeal too great to endure, nor enemy numbers too numerous [to overcome].
I call this invoking the power of the military flag. While at the beginning of the above quote it may appear that Sawaki is criticizing his participation in the Russo-Japanese war, a closer reading reveals that this is not the case. Thus, it was not the killing of his fellow human beings that bothered him, but his failure to kill the enemy and die himself if need be with a totally selfless spirit. Yamamoto believed that becoming one with death in one's thoughts, even in life, was the highest attainment of purity and focus.
He felt that a resolution to die gives rise to a higher state of life, infused with a beauty and grace beyond the reach of those concerned with self-preservation. Thus, to invoke the power of the military flag was tantamount to invoking the invincible power of the divine emperor thereby ensuring victory.
That said, this particular phraseology is unique to Sawaki and reveals just how thoroughly he conflated his Zen Buddhist faith with the emperor and Imperial military. Although Sawaki never fought again, his support for the unity of Zen and war continued unabated. This is attested to by any number of his words and deeds during and prior to the Asia-Pacific War. Although Japan would not begin its full-scale invasion of China until July of that year, students were becoming worried about their futures as they sensed full-scale war approaching. There is at present no need for you students to be perplexed by questions concerning the relationship of religion to the state.
Instead you should continue to practice zazen and devote yourself wholeheartedly to the Buddha Dharma. Should you fail to do this, and, instead, start to waver in your practice, when it comes time to defend your country in the future you are unlikely to be able to do so zealously. In fact, it appears that Sawaki regarded dedication to Zen training as the basis for a similar dedication to military service.
Of special concern was the elimination of any values that conflicted with the ideological mindset necessary to create a unified citizenry. Toward this goal all allegedly subversive Western thought had to be eliminated, first and foremost communism and socialism but extending to liberal democratic ideals as well.
The reason for this is that as far as a nutrient for cultivation of the Spirit of Japan is concerned, I believe there is absolutely nothing superior to Japanese Buddhism. Konoe made a contribution of 1, yen to the training center, a substantial amount of money in prewar days. The training center commenced operation in October when Sawaki was sixty-one years of age. In spite of the danger, Sawaki returned to live in Tokyo at a Komazawa university-affiliated student dormitory.
However, due to the worsening war situation, this dormitory was closed in March Sawaki then accepted an invitation to live at the home of the former Superintendent-General of the Metropolitan Police, Maruyama Tsurukichi. He also went into prisons holding such offenders in order to convince them to cooperate with the prosecution of the war. Sawaki was viewed as being particularly good at this kind of work not least because his own poverty-stricken childhood had contributed to a down-to-earth attitude and an ability to identify with offenders.
For example, he typically began his talks with a description of his own one-month imprisonment at age eighteen when he had been mistakenly arrested as a pickpocket. From December 23, onwards, he served on a government commission charged with promoting the martial arts among Japanese school children as part of their preparation for military service. On three separate occasions in and he traveled to the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo Manchuria in northern China to promote the morale of Japanese military and civilian personnel stationed there.
The Lotus Sutra states that "the Three Worlds [of desire, form, and formlessness] are my existence and all sentient beings therein are my children. Superior officers are my existence as are my subordinates. The same can be said of both Japan and the world. Given this, it is just to punish those who disturb the public order. Whether one kills, or does not kill, the precept forbidding killing [is preserved]. It is the precept forbidding killing that wields the sword. It is this precept that throws the bomb.
It is for this reason that you must seek to study and practice this precept. The idea Sawaki advanced here concerning killing was a popular position advocated by Zen exponents, including D. In his now classic Zen and Japanese Culture, Suzuki wrote:. The sword is generally associated with killing, and most of us wonder how it can come into connection with Zen, which is a school of Buddhism teaching the gospel of love and mercy. The fact is that the art of swordsmanship distinguishes between the sword that kills and the sword that gives life.
The one that is used by a technician cannot go any further than killing, for he never appeals to the sword unless he intends to kill. The case is altogether different with the one who is compelled to lift the sword. For it is really not he but the sword itself that does the killing. He had no desire to do harm to anybody, but the enemy appears and makes himself a victim. It is though the sword performs automatically its function of justice, which is the function of mercy. When the sword is expected to play this sort of role in human life, it is no more a weapon of self-defense or an instrument of killing, and the swordsman turns into an artist of the first grade, engaged in producing a work of genuine originality.
This point will be revisited in Appendix I. Sawaki wrote:. He taught that we should quietly engage in practice having forgotten our Self. The Buddha will then serve as your guide, and if you follow the guidance given, you will free yourself from life and death, and become a Buddha, without any need to exert yourself either physically or mentally.
It is in doing this that you immediately become faithful retainers of the emperor and perfect soldiers. Sawaki continued:. The first thing required in communal life is to discard the self. In battle those who have been living together communally can work together very bravely at the front. Today the state requires that we all follow a communal life style wherever we are, thus repaying the debt of gratitude we owe the state. The spirit of Zen monastic life does not belong to Zen priests alone but must be learned by all the people. His expressions of support for the Asia-Pacific War had particular strength as they were based on his own earlier wartime experiences.
In other words, he truly knew what he was talking about. Furthermore, he was also a very seasoned and knowledgeable Zen practitioner. True, he was still a neophyte Zen priest when he had actually fought on the battlefield during the Russo-Japanese War, but by the time of the Asia-Pacific War more than thirty years later he was already highly respected as an authentic Zen master. This said, it would be mistaken to view Sawaki as more extreme in his support of the Asia-Pacific War than his Zen contemporaries.
This is the manifestation of the highest wisdom [of Enlightenment]. The unity of Zen and war of which I speak extends to the farthest reaches of the holy war [now underway]. Verse: I bow my head to the floor to those whose nobility is without equal. Yasutani wrote:. For example, what should be done in the case in which, in order to remove various evil influences and benefit society, it becomes necessary to deprive birds, insects, fish, etc.
That is to say, of course one should kill, killing as many as possible. One should, fighting hard, kill everyone in the enemy army. The reason for this is that in order to carry [Buddhist] compassion and filial obedience through to perfection it is necessary to assist good and punish evil. Failing to kill an evil man who ought to be killed, or destroying an enemy army that ought to be destroyed, would be to betray compassion and filial obedience, to break the precept forbidding the taking of life.
While each master had his own idiosyncratic method of addressing this contradiction, they nevertheless shared a common conclusion, i. On the contrary, following the publication of my book Zen at War, Nishijima defended Sawaki from the charge of war collaboration as follows:.
But I think the book includes some kind of exaggeration. So in such a situation I think his attitude is not so extremely right or left. And he is usually keeping the Middle Way as a Buddhist monk. I think such a situation is true. In light of claims like this, it is hardly surprising that Westerners who venerate Sawaki as one of their Dharma ancestors, some of whom are now Zen teachers in their own right, refuse to accept the idea that Sawaki might once have twisted Buddhist doctrine and practice into a f ervently war-affirming creed.
So if it should be true that he was a war monger or a zen fascist, as he is called by some, and that this is somehow expressed in his teaching, it would be a great problem for me. Zen at War. I only know about quotes which appear on the internet, especially in discussion forums, from time to time. This quote seems to be from Sakai Tokugen's biography of Sawaki Kodo, which - as you know for sure - was not written or dictated by Sawaki himself, but by Sakai using the first person, thus creating the impression of an auto-biography.
Only the first printing was published under Sawaki's name, all later editions mention Sakai as the author. Sakai mentions and apologizes for this in his forword [sic] in later editions. What I find interesting about this forword [sic] and the one by Tanaka Yoneki is, that while Tanaka claims that Sakai used notes by Uchiyama Kosho, Sakai makes the point that he didn't use those notes because they were full of mistakes. He also admits that his own version of Sawaki's life was contradicted by some after the publication of the book, but says that this was only about "nuiances" [sic].
This means, to say the least, that Sakai's version of Sawaki's life is not the only one, it is not generally accepted by everyone, nor is it directly out of Sawaki's mouth. Describing how the book first came to be written, i. Nevertheless, when it came to putting it down on paper, I checked each point with the master to make sure it was all correct.
Additionally, Sakai, a Ph. I say this based on my own personal experience of having received meditation instruction from him during my graduate studies at Komazawa. We shot only one bullet at a time. That was not so gross like shooting your machine gun as if you were spreading water with a watering can, or throwing big bombs, or poison gas.
Now I do not know what you make out of this, but at least I do not hear a Zen fascist boast about his deeds here, but rather a quite courageous criticism of unhuman [sic] ways to fight a war. In this context, the quote above hardly serves as proof for any support that Sawaki showed for the war. Also, there are many sources that say that Sawaki Roshi [Zen master] thought about the "onkyu" he received after the Russo-Japanese war as "dirty money" and wouldn't use it for his personal life, but rather to print Buddhist texts or support students of Buddhism, which is surprising, as even today many think that this war was an honourable war that saved Japan's independence against the threat of Western imperialism.
My comrades nado and I participated in the Russo-Japanese War and gorged ourselves on killing people. These days, newspapers often talk about exterminating the enemy here and there or raking them with machinegun fire. Newspapers talk about such things as mowing down the remaining enemy using a machinegun to spray them with. There were no machineguns spraying bullets about or big guys you had to take down with a bang. Nor was there poison gas that took care of everything. While at [the battle of] Baolisi temple I, too, chased the enemy into a hole and killed them, but I was not punished.
Moreover, I received a pension. Reflecting on this passage, the first question that comes to mind is why Sawaki saw fit to discuss his battlefield experiences in his commentary in the first place? The first commentaries on it appeared as early as the 11th century during the Song Dynasty. This discourse deals with the methods of and attitudes towards daily Zen practice and, unsurprisingly for a Zen text, emphasizes practice over sutra study.
The answer to this question is, of course, a universal one, i. In this case, i. Given this, Sawaki may well have felt he had a duty to make teachings relevant to the events of his day. However, given the ongoing wartime situation they were then in, not to mention his subsequent remarks as recorded above, it would not be surprising if Sawaki had, on multiple occasions, referred to his battlefield experiences exactly as Sakai records him having done.
Many observers, both before and after Sawaki, have long remarked on this incongruity.
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At most, some of his words might be considered a lament concerning the extent to which killing had become mechanized and mass killing commonplace. For the most part these disparities are minor in nature but with one important exception, i. Here we find hara-ippai defined as follows:. The answer is simple - context. Looking back at it, I was very conceited ii ki na mono de atta. Was Sawaki boasting about his having killed many Russians? Yes, at least in the words Sakai attributed to him the context reveals that at the time he clearly was. Yet, as repeatedly demonstrated in the main text, these are far from the only war-related statements Sawaki made.
He wrote:. You can either "keep" or "break" the precepts. In some traditions you can stay "clean" by excusing yourself from the percept by disrobing etc for the time you want to practice the action that is forbidden, i. This seems to be the Mahayana interpretation that many Japanese Buddhist [sic] were and are still using. When Sawaki talks about the precept throwing a bomb, he is using this interpretion [sic]. Here you can not "break" the precept at all, because it is universal. You cannot kill universal life. Thus the precept becomes a tautology. So it is not possible to "keep" the precept in the first place, but the function of the precept is to keep you aware of the contradiction of your life, and humble.
It prevents the illusion "I am right, because I don't do wrong. I tend to interpret the precepts in the third way, although I am aware that both the second and third interpretation make one volnurable [sic] to the temptation of not taking responsibility for one's actions. After all, their master had done likewise if not yet on such a large scale. Any other explanation, aka excuse, falls into the category the Japanese so accurately describe as herikutsu, i. The results of my own further research on D.
Needless to say, well-reasoned and researched academic debate is always to be welcomed in the academy.
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Given the stakes involved for them as noted above, this is, at a human level, all too understandable. To do otherwise risks turning Sawaki, et al. Brian Daizen Victoria holds an M. Tanaka, Tadao. Victoria, Brian. Zen at War, 2 nd ed. Warner, Brad. While nothing more is known about the circumstances that led to Sawaki being awarded this decoration, it was typically awarded to a soldier upon his return to Japan from the battlefield in recognition of his bravery, leadership or command in battle.
Winner takes all? A Red Shirt protester in Bangkok in January this year. Thailand has been in crisis since an armed forces coup overthrew Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in September , ultimately forcing him into exile. It was clear the amnesty was designed to allow Thaksin to return from exile. Yingluck faces corruption charges over the scheme.
She pleaded, disingenuously, that he was no longer family. In the end, the evolving crisis led to another coup on 22 May. Intriguingly, it has met with much less opposition than anyone expected. Thai troops confront protesters at Victoria Monument, Bangkok on May 28, If certain key institutions, such as the monarchy, have not yet been transformed, then they are about to be. Old relationships have been destabilised; new ones are not yet in place. I have been watching events unfold from neighbouring Laos, a perfect observation point. Commonly called Isan and its people, Khon Isan , the region is mostly ethnic Lao, and has been a major base of support for Thaksin.
But, as Keyes also shows, Isan has been transformed out of sight since he first visited fifty years ago. When Keyes and his wife Jane went to central Isan in —64 it was still the poorest region in Thailand. Self-sufficient peasants battled with irregular rainfall and poor soils to make ends meet.
The local geography conspired against commercial agriculture, and so men had begun heading to Bangkok for work in construction or other menial jobs, especially during the dry season. When Thailand became a playground for US troops on leave from the war in Vietnam, women headed to the urban bars and brothels for work. American aid drove roads through the region and sped up the circulation of people between city and countryside. Drawn out of their rural isolation, the migrants came into contact with others like themselves from across Isan, fomenting an ethno-regional sentiment.
Together, they became aware of the wealth differences between Isan and Bangkok. When TV came along they became the fall guys in Thai comedies, and in everyday life they had to suffer the contempt of those above them. Keyes describes how the people of this region became Thai through an expansion of the national bureaucracy, the centralising of the Buddhist sangha , and especially — since the s — schools that educated both boys and girls. They learned to use the central Thai language and its various polite forms and, especially from the s on, they learned to love the Thai king, Bhumibol Adulyadej.
Essentially, it was good old-fashioned nation building, and similar processes occurred for every region, including Bangkok, where the Chinese, for instance, needed to be turned into Thais. The money villagers brought back from urban or overseas work was increasingly invested not in agriculture but in small enterprises such as convenience stores, repair shops, and food stalls as well as rice mills.
This, too, caused migration from the countryside to the city and upward mobility through education. Indeed, Thai soap operas are more likely to romanticise old northern aristocratic life and emulate its speech forms. Thaksin the mega-entrepreneur played to this audience perfectly, and his million-baht-per-village loan scheme, alongside cheap universal healthcare, won him unwavering support. The majority of pro-Thaksin activists in the Red Shirt movement are in their forties or older — exactly the group that has made the transition from scarcity to having tasted the good life.
As its skyline shows, Bangkok has been remade since by dramatic economic growth. Labour shed by agriculture has flowed into manufacturing, where the workforce grew from 14 per cent of the total in to 20 per cent in But white-collar work grew even faster — from one-in-five employees to almost one-in-three — and within its ranks professionals and senior white-collar workers grew fastest. Because most of them sought white-collar jobs, often in the capital, migrants played an important role in the growth of the middle class in Bangkok. Many are upwardly mobile, socially and culturally, and have learned to speak flawless central Thai.
They dress for and aspire to an affluent urban lifestyle. An important indicator of the dislocations involved in cultural change, however, is the fact that the Bangkok metropolitan area has one of the highest non-marriage rates for women in their twenties and thirties of any city in Southeast Asia. For these upwardly mobile new members of the middle class, the plebeian style adopted by the Red Shirts is exactly what they are running away from.
No doubt these migrants are part of the reason why the Thai press speaks of bitter divisions in families over politics. The Asian financial crisis of hit Thailand especially hard, sending many old business families to the wall. The boom years had been built on major inflows of foreign investment and a globalised economy. Close relations with the Thai state had once provided local capitalists with very comfortable incomes, but now globalisation had destabilised the cosy arrangements.
Yet he was part of a new breed of Thai capitalists who thought globally and aimed to take over the government and run the state as if it were a business. Throughout his career, politics and profit-making were entwined around one another like a pair of copulating snakes. The monarchy, headed by enigmatic King Bhumibol Adulyadej, is also about to change irreversibly. A conservative who believes in rule by righteous individuals, the king has done deals with military dictators to strengthen the monarchy but has never been a thug himself.
His preference, as much as one can discern it, is for a form of guided democracy. He has been an enormously popular and respected figure for many decades. But he became physically enfeebled just as the political turmoil began, and the Queen has since been crippled by a stroke, and so now the royal couple are marionettes of the Privy Council.
He is believed to have had dealings with Thaksin, although it is unclear what these amount to. With the passing of King Bhumibol, the personalised networks that have been spun around him for so long will unravel and Vajiralongkorn will find himself presiding over a weakened monarchy. It will be a big blow for conservatives. For many Thais the monarchy evokes a stable social hierarchy in an increasingly unpredictable world.
But as society diverges from this ideal a kind of reactionary nostalgia has gripped many people — as can be seen in the Yellow Shirt movement. In reality, the social changes have led to seismic shifts in how people perceive their relationship to authority. They had no intention of breaking the old status system down; they were just seizing whatever opportunity for betterment the new Thailand offered. But break down the old system they did. All across the social spectrum demands for equality are heard. There is little doubt that the coup was masterminded by the head of the Privy Council, retired general Prem Tinsulanond.
They failed not only the democracy test, but also the task of managing the economy and society. It was a sobering lesson for the armed forces, and perhaps General Prayuth Chan-ocha, the leader of the latest coup, has learned from their mistakes. Some capitalists who had joined the Thaksin bandwagon found themselves frozen out of contracts, and by the time of his ouster considerable disgruntlement had emerged in his camp. Had the coup not happened, Thai Rak Thai may have come apart at the seams.
The coup-makers faced a population that no longer buckled before a show of force. They responded with arson in the capital and against government buildings in rural Thailand. I happened to be in Bangkok at the time, and travelling through streets littered with abandoned barricades of smouldering tyres and burnt-out shops and malls was eerie.
No one wishes to see a repeat of it. In many respects, nineteenth-century liberal fears of majoritarian rule seem to have come true. Accused of concealing assets by the NCCC, Thaksin quickly revealed that he had few liberal sympathies. He was seeking power for the rest of his life. Followers of the Red Shirts appear to have little comprehension, or perhaps sympathy, for liberal checks and balances.
They simply insist that a majority at the ballot box gives the elected government unrestricted powers. It is a winner-take-all mentality that their leaders have encouraged. Liberal institutions have also been undermined by opponents of Thaksin. First, the coup-makers, and then the appointed government led by the Democratic Party, manipulated these institutions to disband Thai Rak Thai which, after one incarnation, re-emerged as Pheu Thai , and disqualified many of its politicians for five years.
Suggestions by Yellow Shirt leaders that leading judges are beholden to the king rather than the constitution are plainly illiberal. One final problem is the oligarchic nature of Thai politics. Political parties are the creatures of their rich owners. So Pheu Thai belongs to Thaksin and is run largely by him and his family.
The oldest party, the Democratic Party, is the closest Thailand has to a modern political party, but its conservatism and its failure to reach out to people in the north and northeast have crippled it electorally. This failure of the party system is crucial for understanding the current impasse.
It would be a major step forward for democracy if the Red Shirts abandoned Pheu Thai and established a popular political party with a genuine political platform. Parties have continued their existence since the coup, but stories have circulated of rifts within both the Pheu Thai Party and the Democratic Party. The extreme wing of Pheu Thai have called for violent resistance to the coup.
Moderates, however, many with large bank accounts that can be frozen, have chosen a wait and see approach. Thaksin himself has laid very low as he and his family have extensive assets in Thailand. As for the Red Shirts, several extremist leaders are on the run, but seem rather isolated. Radicals like Arisman Pongruangrong, a former pop singer made infamous by a speech in calling for Bangkok to be burnt to the ground, have reported to the coup council. As for the more moderate leaders among the Red Shirts, they have simply gone underground.
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The response of the Red Shirts to the coup has been more quiescent than anyone predicted. With the political ball now up in the air they may, however, emerge from the current period with a new strategy. The illiberal and undemocratic programme of this movement appealed to conservatives in the party. Moderates, however, seem to have clung to some semblance of liberalism. A conservative split can only help the Democrats. It is a complex modern society that is a far cry from a world of stable hierarchies and benevolent kings.
Does a royalist conservative like General Prayuth understand this? So far he has been realistic and pragmatic. The curfew has now been lifted across the country, and the Thai people have been treated to free World Cup football. But these populist gestures will stop. In particular, there will be no continuation of the rice-pledging scheme. Indeed, as this goes to press, the army has locked down rice warehouses across the northeast to begin an investigation into the corruption associated with the scheme.
The NCPO has also gone after other graft, such as transport mafias and loan rackets. Furthermore, a decree on land reform that has been stuck in parliament because members on both sides are substantial land-holders, is being activated. All of this is clearly popular. Prayuth sometimes seems to have his own agenda. He has called for a cleaning up of the Buddhist Sangha where scandal after scandal, he says, has led to a loss of respect for monks.
But, the Sangha has also been polarized by political events, so reform will not be easy. He appears to understand that soldiers are ill-equipped to run a modern economy and society and has gathered experts around him to formulate policy and political reform. A major review of a very lucrative major transport plan for the country has seen it scaled down from 3 trillion baht to 2.
The high-speed railway component has been dumped. I would like to ask if there is anything free in this world. You should ask yourselves whether you can accept a year concession that would see more than , workers being brought to the country and the constructor insisting on land along the route for development. Prayuth has promised an interim government by August or September and a temporary constitution should be drafted by then.
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We will then see if any attempts are made to curtail the political rights of the people of Isan or the north. If the NCPO and its constitutional drafters are silly enough to try, they can be sure of an even bigger crisis in the future. June 17, This is an expanded and updated version of an article that appeared in Inside Story. For many years he was a professor of anthropology at the University of Hong Kong. This journal article was written by Nakasatomi Hiroshi in after the Great Tohoku Earthquake and nuclear disaster. Nakasatomi currently lectures in constitutional law at Tokushima University, but at the time of the disaster he was working at Fukushima University, and living in Fukushima City with his family.
The article describes the response of Fukushima University to the nuclear disaster, and efforts by students and staff within the University to build more critical awareness of the situation and foster more activist approaches. Following the article, there is a 'sequel' piece written by Nakasatomi in describing criticism he attracted from Fukushima City residents during and after his one-year campaign at the University on nuclear safety after the disaster. In this sequel, he seeks to clarify a misunderstanding about his political stance on the issue of voluntary evacuation, which has circulated on internet forums and damaged his public reputation for the past year.
Today, Nakasatomi and his family live in Kyoto, and have become leading figures in the Kansai anti-nuclear power movement, including in a class action civil case against TEPCO. In addition to this, Nakasatomi speaks to civic groups nationally on the issues of constitutional revision that have arisen in Japan over the last 12 months. He is also an active member of the People Against Pornography and Sexual Violence group, which is also the affiliation of the translator.
Nakasatomi continues to be highly engaged with a range of social justice initiatives in Japan, and is widely known among progressive groups in both Kanto and Kansai as an expert in an increasing number of areas, including, most recently, human rights jurisprudential approaches to issues of disaster evacuation and nuclear radiation. Japan is widely known as the only country in the world to have sustained nuclear bombing. The country developed in the postwar period with an awareness of this fact. These two nuclear events do not exist in conflict or counterpoint.
On the contrary, I believe they sit in historical parallel. Japan was the reckless perpetrator of foreign invasion and war, and continued this activity to the point where an egregious holocaust was visited on its people in the form of two nuclear bombs. I believe institutionalised psychological structures governing the relationship between Japanese state and society at this time persist in some form today, despite unconditional wartime surrender, the new constitution, and the postwar democratisation of Japanese society. Article 23 of the Japanese constitution, which guarantees freedom for academics, is a relatively unusual clause in comparative law terms.
But, times change. The Fundamental Law of Education was amended in to become more socially conservative, and tertiary education came to be determined primarily by the competition between universities to survive. This change, together with a serious decline in the ability and willingness of Japanese universities to resist the impositions of the corporate world and government, shows fundamental divergence from the prior mode of university governance.
This history of a decline in democratic process at Japanese universities is a causative factor in the response of Fukushima University to the recent nuclear disaster. The following day, at 3.
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At On 15 March at around six in the morning the second and fourth reactors then exploded in succession. From 3pm on 15 March—nine hours after the explosions of the second and forth reactors—the radioactivity monitoring post located at the Oyamacho community centre in the northeast of Fukushima prefecture recorded a sudden rise in levels from the normal 0.
But the members of this Directorate did not meet on either the 12 th , when the first reactor exploded, or on the 13 th with the second explosion. The first meeting was held on the morning of the 14 th. The University campus was closed for two days on the 14 th and 15 th , and a graduation ceremony scheduled for the 25 th was cancelled.
The University declared it would reserve its decision on whether or not to postpone the first-semester entrance ceremony scheduled for 4 April and the commencement of classes on 8 April. This is the stance Fukushima University persists with to the current day in relation to the nuclear accident. It continues to deprioritise the safety of students, and University decision-making from the start has been shaped by a disavowal of independent action and a commitment to following government directions.
In a surprising move, the University adhered to its plan to re-open the campus on the 16 th and recommence operations as normal. This was at a time when none of the trains were running, major arterial roads were impassable, and petrol supplies were still cut. It was an extraordinarily harsh directive. On 16 March the University announced the cancellation of classes till 23 April, and the postponement of the graduation ceremony till the end of April.
At this time the University was preoccupied with the possibility that further nuclear explosions would occur, and Fukushima city itself would fall within the government-mandated zone for residents to stay indoors or, worse still, to take refuge outside the prefecture. The government was forced to repeatedly expand the borders of the zone around this time; before 15 March the evacuation zone spanned a radius of 20kms around the first reactor site, and residents were ordered to stay indoors for a further 10kms. The city of Fukushima lies within a km zone of the nuclear plant.
On 18 March a draft memo from the Vice Chancellor to academic staff was leaked. It directed staff as to how they should continue to carry out their work in the event of a government decree for Fukushima city residents to stay indoors. The message included the following. As a university we have also been expending great efforts toward reconstruction and supporting the local community…While higher than normal levels of radiation are currently being recorded on campus, these levels have declined significantly since 15 March, and they are predicted to decline to around one thirtieth of their current level by the first day of the semester.
I anticipate absolutely no problem in being able to welcome you all on the first day of the new term. Universities are both repositories of learning, as well as fortresses of scientific thought. We do not yield to unscientific speculation or rumour. We will ensure the safety and security of all students, and welcome you to an environment cultivated for education and research. On 28 March the University made a provisional announcement that the new student intake ceremony would be held on 9 May, and classes would start on 12 May.
This decision was officially confirmed on 12 April. In anticipation of the upcoming new semester, we have decided to hold preparation sessions for ceremonies to welcome incoming students between May. With the posting of this message, the Vice Chancellor brought to an end the twenty-day period that had been unlike any other conclusion to the academic year, which began on 11 March when the long darkness first descended. Already by 6. The text of the email read:. All of the emergency diesel generators at the plant have stopped.
There is a possibility of meltdown. It is likely that a terrible accident has already occurred.
We must wear masks, rainsuits, gloves and boots. Make sure you seal this gear with plastic tape. The next day, reunited with family members, he left the prefecture before the first reactor exploded. This pessimistic outlook came from his many years of experience campaigning on the issue. Unfortunately, his pessimistic prediction proved correct. Neither accurate information about the disaster nor warning about the approaching radioactive plume would come from TEPCO or the government.
As has already been revealed, information had been collected, but it was deliberately concealed. As a result, tens of thousands of Fukushima prefecture residents, including members of Fukushima University, were exposed to large doses of radiation. From the day of this announcement, the Directorate found itself locked in a battle over measures it would have to take to secure the safety of the approximately graduate and postgraduate students it had committed to welcoming to the University.
Radiation pollution levels at the University campus have been fully analysed, and we can now accurately predict levels going forward. Even the part of the campus most heavily exposed to radiation, which was measured at 2. The University will take full measures to secure the safety and maintenance of the environment. We have calculated anticipated levels of radiation particle exposure for the one-year period between 1 May and 30 April assuming hour exposure with no clothing protection.
However, exposure calculated on the basis of normal daily activity including outdoor exposure is 8. There are various views on the issue, but Radiation levels in Fukushima City have dropped dramatically since the time of the accident, and are now not at a level that could cause health problems. It goes without saying, of course, that lower levels are always better in terms of health. Accordingly, the University will take measures to minimise student exposure, including distributing face masks, surveying life on campus for ongoing measures that can be taken, and creating a manual for students to guide them in ways to minimise exposure….
The University will also take measures to equip itself in case of an emergency and to secure a safe academic environment, including: 1 Information gathering on nuclear accidents and radiation levels, 2 monitoring of radiation levels on campus, 3 creation of a testing facility for radiation exposure checks for those requesting them, and 4 revision of the University earthquake and aftershock evacuation procedure manual. In addition, the University will consider measures to ensure the emotional wellbeing of students and stress reduction….
We are committed to expending the utmost efforts to secure the safety and wellbeing of students on campus from the day classes commence. Disaster preparedness training at Fukushima University. In substantive terms, however, we might question whether the University really does have a focus on education or the cultivation of the individual. A number of academic departments at Waseda and Tokyo universities also postponed classes till the first weeks of May out of consideration for newly enrolling students coming from disaster-affected zones, and to avoid problems arising with the scheduled electricity blackouts that were planned for the capital after the disaster.
This commitment was articulated in the repeated messages of the Vice Chancellor I have referred to. If the Vice Chancellor meant to suggest the University had no choice but to follow the government's directions, then the University should have requested that the education and science ministry issue immediate instructions with regard to measures to protect student safety, avoid radiation exposure and enact emergency evacuation procedures. Earthquakes always occur unexpectedly, but of course it is always possible to prepare for their occurrence.
The same can be said about nuclear accidents. However, absolutely no preparation for nuclear accident prevention or evacuation had been undertaken by Fukushima University, the prefectural government or the city government. Ninety-nine per cent of the population had no accurate information whatsoever about what they should do in the event of a serious accident. One departmental head has lamented of the time:. Information was seriously lacking. Accordingly, the University descended into chaos as the earthquake hit, followed by the tsunami, and then the nuclear disaster.
A number of academic staff evacuated the prefecture immediately or soon after. Those in the commercial community with strong U. Somalia in the New World Order The Somalis who have been subjected to an appalling famine are linked to the same world order by their role as occasional recipients of international charily. The disaster they face is the culmination of a decade and a half long assimilation whereby Somalia became closely integrated into the world's political economy.
This process has rot been visible in the reports filed by foreign correspon- dents, the analyses of political economic or even in official statistics. If these official statistics were to be believed, the gross national income per head was so low that all Somalis should have starved to death by the mid s. The low living standards were largely attributed to the un- usuul circumstance that the majority of the population earned its living from nomadic pastoral ism.
This view obscures the I act that nomadic or semi- nomadic pastor alism is the most effective way of obtaining a livelihood from some of the world's most in- hospitable places, where rainfall is erratic. Moreover, il ig- rnres the desire of most pastoralisis in remain animal herders— not simply from a deep cultural attachment to cattle or camels, but because animal herding can be extremely profitable In traditional African societies, hvideTS arc rich.
In contemporary Africa, investment in livestock is one of the most effective ways of accumulating capital. Unfortunately, economics is an urban, sedentary business, ill-suited to understanding a pastoral economy. Pastoralism poses fundamental philosophical questions lor economics. How do we measure the income of a herder who owns camels? Siad Barre administration prophesied doom or the Somali economy.
All measures of output and income were stagnating, inflation was rampant, the government deficit was spiraling, and im- ports grossly exceeded exports. Had these same economic advisers looked up from the official statistics and carefully viewed the streets of Mogadishu and he other main towns, or the healthy and 7. One, fueled by greed for power and wealth, was the fear that rival powers would snap up territory; the other was the campaign to abolish slavery waged by the Christian missions, Many of the European colonizers of Africa believed that their often violent and exploitative quest for wealth rode comfortably alongside a civilizing mission; stamping out the evils of slavery and idolatry, and!
While hazardous to read too much Into historical parallels, 19th century philanthropic imperialism does teach one simple lesson: whatever the mo- tives for the military occupation of another country, the consequences are incalculable. New Toyota s jammed the streeis, consumer goods from the Gulf slates filled the shops, new houses sprang up in the capital's sub- ubs, and herders sported radios and imported clothes Largely because of the methodological shortcomings of their discipline, the economists had made a series of fun- d.
Fot a. Milk production was no less than six limes what official figures suggested. Secondly, the income of Somali migrants in the Gulf states and Yemen was much higher than officially admitted, and much of that income was sent home in the form cd remittances — on the black market. Taking these factors into nccount T the Somah per capita income more than doubled, coming in higher than the official estimate for neighboring Kenya- regarded as one of the richest countries in Africa. In fact, combined with corruption and political manipulation by President Siad Rarre and his thugs, operat- ing under the U S.
The Road to Turmoil In the last months of The S million that Somalia got during the I98fls made it the top per capita aid recipient in Africa. These brought dis- astrous consequences; Inflation continued to gallop, social services were cut, the Somali shilling plunged, and the exter- nal trade imbalances continued. Meanwhile, U,S, assistance cased political hardship to the government h and minimized the risk of popular unrest.
The ostensible reason for much of the aid was the large population of refugees from Ethiopia. The Somali government claimed more than 1,3 million while more reliable sources cite Rfl0,00lJ, ' in any case, the refugees saw little of the assis- tance. In 1 the U. General Accounting Office estimated that less than 20 percent of food donated for refugees was actually reaching them — far more was being taken by government officials, traders, and the military Only in the late 1 did the question of ihelrut numbers of the refugees become a point of contention, and only after U.
No, 62, IW2, pp Fortil: Foreign ant and Ixnl politics, Hanover, N. A MdW. Even if the U S. One ut Sunr s yraiegies to win coficev. April 19SS. Thus, entrepreneurship, profit, and even survival required illegal means. Dan Nexus Somalia's iraditiori as a dan-based society also increased the importance of the informal sector. The most enduring networks of trust and con. Somalia is also a very international society; the Somali diaspora has reached every continent, and goods and money flow easily through this expatriate community, These factors combined to make the Somali economy ever mote reliant on interna- tional non legal trading activities, continued on p.
JJj interests had e vaporated, did diversion of aid become a matter Tot international concern. Largess Oblige Most major recipients of U. S, assistance in Africa have gone dow n a path similar to Somalia's, though none yet so far Liberia. A despotic government receiving large aid in- fusii ns cun promote wholly unsustainable economic policies. To survive in Shis l i. I ton dollar heist of the savings-and-loan i ndustry. Rather, "he first days of the new administration call in mind an old oke about the naHire of power and the power of nature: Why does a dog lick his own balls?
Because he can. The new, Democratic punchline: Be- cause his lawyer told him he can. Thai is, what the dog did may have been wrong, or unethical, or unseem- ly, but it wasn't illegal. And when the dog himself is a lawyer? You get an ethics policy. Now, imagine what would happen if you put all those dogs in one kennel. Imagine a Great Country.
These Department of Transportation pro- jects. Doug Vaughan is art i trvad jgdi ive reporter Sssed ip Denver His wort has appeared m major newspapers and magazines in ihe r. IJ information about Ihc financial condition of I he hark or the n. In return Li r immunity, the lawyer bangs his diem In Lbis cast:, the smsiegy backfired economy. TVo- when pruvcciHors chose to file nanu-w changes agaietoi ihe SdtL's pres idem, Michael Wise, in-sicad gf alleging abroad conspiracy. Thu jury acq billed km. Pena pre- sided over development of a big new airport. How big?
A vision of the future? Clinton wants to revive the economy? Airport Owner T Man- ual, 71 vol. Airline, trucking and railroad cseculives were nevertheless favor- ably disposed to the nominee. Edwyrd Emmet! Denver Post, January 5, , p. Lyons Las been a confidant of the Clintons lor many years. Whitewater Development Corp. Beyond that brief resumd, Pefia was a cipher to the nation- al media. Congress rushed through his confirmation. At a loss for something substantial 1o sink their family values into, even the Republicans were left to praise Feha with faint darn nation.
Their designated hitter, Trent Loti R-Miss. Author's interview, February i, , with Lyons. Had he Republicans tugged a lii ]e harder ai the cloak of earnest respectability Pena wore In his hearing, they might have peeked at a story oi gieed as inked as any to be exposed in recent memory. One example: When he left office in , Pena started Pena Investment Advisors lo help pension funds manage iheir p irtfolios. He solicited accounts from contractors at the new a i port among others; he also advised his new diems to add li 1.
CiJO Sec nba. Kely Ridumnd, "Pc re iray buw out of airport case? No, smart business, sound advice, and all legal, Investors in Pena's firm included Alvarado Construction, whose owners were the biggest individual con- tributors lo his mayoral i campaigns. In t Pena pressured the city council to granl revenue bonds to finance a retail plaza Alviimdo wanted to build on city-owned land; when that didn't work, he ordered his ur- ban renewal authority to cut the price of the land. Lry 3. February 22, 1WJ. Htiptded by the amhoi. But the senators never asked about this.
Tie was acquitted. A federal grand jury was contemplating indictments agEiinsl Silverado biggest borrowers. Tht euniract. IB, 3B. The debacle is breezily rocounictl minus fboinofei by Steven 1C. Then the voodoo caught up with the econo- mics. Beginning with Forbes October IT. Ci; author's interview with Don Wtrsl, investigator for law firm representing shareholders in civil fraud action. A1, 15; Davit! Viiyjuh Milken c. Here f with wife, at his trial for insider trading. Established by the U. Shell Oit Co, used the facility lo make pes- ticides into the Dj;.
The State, the EPA, Shell, and the Army sued each other and eventually settled on a mull i hi 1 1 ion dollar plan to decon- taminate Ihe soil, drain the pits and hum the wastes. But no one could get rich off extending tunways from an existing airport onto tree federal land that can never be made til for human habitation. Instead, Pena decided to build the airport 2D miles farther out, creating instant sprawl and a windfall lo speculators who had secretly bought options 10 the laud. Urownslcin ts in fact Pena's law partner.
Madden m registered lobbyi. The epitome of the Gucci- shoed set denounced by Ross Perot. Bitiwnslein's fundraising prowess and lobbying ability moved no less ail authority than Ted Kennedy D-Mass. Brown's law firm helped Pena lobby Congress for federal money, without which the new airport wouldn't fly, and developers would not profit. Brown's law firm, Patton. Jis Denver office is run by Mike Driven Clinton's college roommate. November 4, Conrad N.
Hartley's company tiw'ned a plant in Parachute, OolnnnJo, io produce shde oil with heavy federal subsidies. Wirih, lung disturbed by lie freruy of mergers and acquisitions. Introduced a bitl to him " greenmail". The bill was run reported mil of rammillcc, and the issue died. Stewart, op ch, t p. Among the recipients tn were Senuions, Wirth sue below , Ken nedy Mass. Laulcnbergi N. J , Cramum Calif, , iuid Mctzcnboum Ohio , alt of w hom pushed farledcral fund' for Denver's new airpyriin 1 Slewan, tip.
Drexel even Nought a Denver bond house to cash in on ihe lax-free municipal bonds floated to build he airport. As a member of the Semite Banking Committee, Winh was instrumental in winning federal funds to keep the airport alive in and , when mounting opposition threat- ened to abort it. In I Had he no! As it turned oui. Wirth gave about SlfW! Winh alsti tiwk a fiee ride on the corpmaie jri of David Paul, chair nf CcnTrusl, i he fmaliirc 1 of which cost ihe lanpaycrs trillion.
Vrs ii, March 21, 1, p. Fitz-Pegado became director of public liaison for the inauguration. The door swings both ways. Tho- mas Hoog, who served on Clinton! Johan Carlisle is 3 San Fisrttiscn-hJiicd free-lance jnuni. No one was charged with his murder. Passed off as an ordinary Kuwaiti with firsthand knowledge of atrocities com- mitted by the Iraqi army, she testified tear lully before Congress: i volunteered at the al -Adrian hospital,,, [where] I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into the hospital with guris T and go into the room where 15 babies were in incubators.
They look the babies out of the incubators, took the incubators, and left the babies on the cold floor to die. Supposedly fearing reprisals ugEiinst her family, Nuyirah did not reveal her lust name to the press or Congress. John ft. S'isan B. Trial against lawyer Mustafa Oezar, who was found guilty of speaking Kurdish.
S, Information Agency officer Lauri J. The nexl day, 13 slate governors declared a rial ion id Free Kuw r ail Day. Congress in favor of war in the Gulf. This free market approach lo manufacturing public per- ception raises the issue of: w hether there is something fundamentally wrong when a foreign govern men I can pay a powerful, well -connected lobbying and public relations firm millions of dollars to convince the American people and the American govern- ment to support a war halfway around the world.
In another age this activity would have caused m explosion of out- rage. Bui something has changed in Washington. Trenlo, op. They have the ability and the funds to conduct sophisticated re- search for Iheir clients and, tising inside information, to advise Them about policy decisions. They arc posi- tioned to sell thdr diems ac- cess and introductions to government officials, includ- ing those in intelligence agencies.
Robert Keith Gray, head of Hill and Know, ton's Washington office for ihree decades, used to brag about checking major decisions personally with CIA director William Casey, whom he con- sidered a close personal friend. One study found lhal 40 percent of the news con- tent in a typical U.
Their routine nr uni pula lions — like those of their brown shined pre- decessors — corrode democ- racy and government policy. They have made sure that gasoline taxes have been kept Low- for the American Petroleum institute; handled flack for Three Mile Island's near-catastrophc, and mis- handled the apple growers 1 assertion that Alar was safe.
They meddle in our political life at every turn and apparently are never held accou niable. Not only do these FR firms act as foreign propaganda agents, but they work closely with U. In the s, Edward Ber- nays. Ln The intmiqucs rjft. OnJfth OrtgicuatFon. S, to war In the Guff Here, U. Security Council staff members rubberneck photo and video display supplied by the Kuwaiti government. A stud? Leu and Norman Syknnon. Unrgiiahlr Sources. On November 27, 1 , just two da vs before the U. Security Council was to vole on the use of military force against Iraq, while the U S.
M Walls of the U,N,J Coun- cil chamber were covered with oversized color photographs of Kuwaitis of all ages who reportedly had been killed oi lofJiifed by Iraqis. A videotape showed Iraqi soldiers ap- parently firing on unarmed demonstrators, and witnesses who had escaped from Kuwait related tales of horror.
With few exceptions, the event was reported as new s by he media, and two days later the Security Council voted to authorize mil ilar y force again si Iraq. The Intelligence Connection The governments use of PR firms in general, and Hill and Know I loo in particular, goes beyond ethically dubious opin- ion manipulation. Rtnvse, 'Flatting fur iHu Emit. May ], p, 20; rilsii si:r CofumbiaJaurmitistn Review. Gray was dose to, and helped in various ways, top Reagan officials.
Trento, op. According to Trento Park put up the rccae; iocL with introductions frem Grv. Graves Erskine, who active intelligence career. Gray hzz. Seen cr. P erhjns that is why Gray embraced wholeheartedly the behind the China Lobby. S, government officials. Robert Gray has also been linked with for-er C. In , h. Trento, vp. Ibid, p, Ibid, p. After Weinberger decided to stay on in the second Reagan leim t Tower found himself without a job. Iti Tower was asked to head he presidential inquiry'. Trie Fourth Branch of Government The pattern of influence peddling and insider abuse is clean The potential for real reform is less obvious.
The last successful prow cuOoi by the Detriment was :n Robert Gray menis for agents of foreign corporations, who often serve the same interests. And if loopholes for lobbying are comfortably large, public relations activities remain totally unregulated and unscrutinized by any government agency. Given the power and scope of PR firms, their track records of manipulation, their collusion with intelligence agencies, and theirdisregard for the human rights records and corporate misdeeds of many of heif clients, this lack of oversight endangers democracy.
Careful regulation, stringent reporting requirements, and government and citizen oversight are essential first steps in preventing these gianl transnationals from functioning as a virtual fourth branch of government. CovertAction the quarterly is 15 years old. Covert action the government abuse Is unfortunately older. Fnr too long the company has mod' eslly avoided both me- dia attention and the public gaze, preferring to remain the eminence grise behind the cor- porate veil. Army and some o 1 the most powerful Ir. Hare, a Georgia-Pacific guard gets ready for a counterdemonstration in California, Joyce Nelson is a Canadian author of four m junction hooks, including Sut.
Wilcox, whose nuclear reactor failedat Three Mile Island. Urder its lobbying wing, Black, Maria fort, Stone, and Kelly. Other crises arose from increased public con- cern over environmental issues and from the effectiveness of movements for fundamental change. New York. Firms New York. Michael Kav and! Robert Levering ids.. B-M defined its strategy for blunt- ing environmental activism: More than ever before, corporal ions conduct their busi- ness amid a whirlwind of political, social and environ- mental issues.
These issues — many now global in scale— originate wilh governments. Ihe media, cus- tomers. Successful corporal ions have learned that is- sues must be confronted and strategically managed. In the legislative arena. Before regulatory bodies, In Ihe media. In local communities In the marketplace And with internal constituencies 13 Hi. Magazine, April , p. September 19W. Spring CovertAction 27 Perhaps ihe mosi important sign of the power and reach of new corporate strategy toward environmentalism was a press release issued by Burson-Maisteller for the Business Council For Sustainable Development BCSD t a client nor lifted in the company's published roster of clients, Released more than a year before The U.
V'htfa Unions, environmentalists, and human rights organizations demonstrate during the Rio Summit when over 11Q heads of state went to Rio. Emphasis added. The nch must invest in and trade with he poor and remove barriers lo such trade. And ihe poor countries mu si open markers and reform institutions lo promote irade and investment. QuoieJ in Gahcu Vrornen. May V JWL. Qvlcd in Lkryd TimhrrlaLe.
February , p. Quu led in Annt; Me limy. June 9. They fail Id mention that at least four of the Bn ndtland Gang are members of one of the most powerful and private organiza- tions in ihe world. The entry for Brundtiand Comm is- sioner Maurice Strong barely hints at his entrepreneurial side, Strong made his millions in oil and gas, minerals, pulp and paper, and other resource-development ink rests in Canada and elsewhere. Even more significant is the omission of Strong's connection u the Trilateral Com- mission, which he joined in World United Nations for Global Business. IbuL p United Nations.
Conference on the Human Environment So, too, is another former member now serving in the U. Riundi- land Commissioner Jim MacNeill. October 6. Jim MacNeill princsfuji] juihur. Few if any of these regions are ecologically self-contained. The major cities of the economically powerful Western nations constitute the nod os of these networks, enabling these nations to draw upon the ecological capital of all other nations to provide food "for their populations, energy and material for their economies, and even land.
This ecological capital, which may be found thousands of mites from the regions in which it may be used, form, the 'shadow ecology' of an economy. The oceans, the atmosphere climate , and the other 'commons' aiso form part of this shadow ecology, In essence the ecological shad- ow of a country is the environmental resources tt draws from other countries and the global commons If a nation wilhoul much geographi- cal resilience had to do Without its shadow ecol- ogy, even for a short period, its people and economy would suffocate.
Western nations heavily engaged in global sourcing should be aware of their shadow ecologies and the need to pursue policies that will sustain them. Of the council's ultimate membership of about 50, one-third will be drawn fTom developing countries. As a major player in the network, B-M has its own agenda as a transnational and its own substantia! S Allan E. Gntlicb has been a Trilateral Commission member since 19B9. B-M Press RcIl.
Sklar ;ind Event til. The hegemonic order for Ihe foreseeable future will likely be a two-headed one: Pax Americana militarily, Pax Trilateral economically. They held up trucks until police arrested 44 people and cleared the road. N GGs. Nor do they subscribe to the benign spin which Burson-Marstelkr has pul on business concerns. Across the continent, the wise use movement has gained influence while the most powerful players remain hidden behind the scenes. Share the Damage David Rockefeller's brother.
That movement dates buck to Rockefeller s role on I he Quidoor 4 6 tauten, October Soviet Jtw2uim 44 Lohmann, op cic p. Under Ron Arnold, the Cen- ter fot the Defense of Free Enterprise helped consolidate within the wise use movement, a number of Trilalerally- connected global corporations including Exxon. Du Font, MacMillan Bloedd, and through the contributions of the continued on p, 57 She glanced wearily at a paperback novel during the day-long.
Up against a major Burson-Marsteller public relations campaign, Vermont farmers and consumers demonstrate against giving growth hormones BGH to dairy cows. Like its dose competitor Hill and Knowlton, B-M noils the lucrative and often overlapping waters of pub- lic relations, lobbying, and political fundraising. Its Washington offices are packed with veterans of Capitol Hill who have walked through the revolv- ing doer to take jobs influ- encing former colleagues.
Injected into dairy cattle, the hormone has ncr eased milk production per cow up to 25 percent. Consumer groups also are fighting BOH approval on the grounds that the Food and Drug Administration review has failed to answ r er questions about its safety for animals or humans. Consumer activists also note that cows treated with BGH often develop udder infections and thus likely will be treated frequently with antibiotics, which could result in more antibiotic residue in milk.
Consumer response could make or break that niar- Consumer response could make or break BGH sales as high as a half billion dollars for the first year alone. Just how worried became apparent a month later in Vermont. University Accused of Cooking Lab Tests F ovine growth hormone has been tested on dairy cows at slate universities around the country. But in November ], Rural Vermont, a farm advocacy group, issued a report based on information obtained from a UVM dairv scientist; the data from the whistleblower showed an unusually high rate of deformed calves born to BG Untreated cows.
University officials reacled with outrage, at templing to d scrcdil 1 he wTistleblow r er and labeling the report a mis- leading compilation of incomplete dal a. The school, how- ever. I niversily spokesperson Nicola Mario insisted in an in- ter vew that the Rural Vermont report was merely the first wave of a national anti- BGH campaign organized out of the Washington offices of Jeremy Rifkin, head of the Foundation for Economic Trends, a group thal has been critical of the biotechnology industry.
B-M Moles infiltrate Meeting How did the university and Monsanto know of the sup- posedly well -coordinated campaign? Rut Timothy Bros- nahan, general manager for the firm's Washington office strongly denied any spying, although he confirmed that Mo- ser worked for the company. Bolh recalled that someone who gave her mime as Lisa Ellis phoned heir orgtiniza lions in for information on BGH. The woman left the same Arnold, Mary hind address Moser wrote on the sign-up sheet at the October 1 meeting. Interview wjihauthur, November 20, DibOn, ftp. Interview wiih author, November 22, Covcrf Action 35 Kirii Condy'ofr'lrwpace v.
Intrigued, Sostman tracked the mystery caller. Farmers around the country arc now trying to force a referendum to abolish the National Dairy Hoard. Many believe the Hoard has used their money — the organization is funded by deductions from milk sales— to work against their best interests. Kaufman and Associates, a firm that signed a Si. Quebec Power Like i he RGH issue, ihe furor over the sale of electricity from massive hydro- electric dams in the Canadian province of Quebec is a high-stakes debate played out in town halls, university campuses, and stale legislatures.
Community environmentalists and students have seized the issue, pointing out that proposed and already existing 13 Interview with nuchai; November Zl, Recently, in response to pressure, Dartmouth College divested its portfolio of bonds issued by Hydro Quebec. Public pressure also likely con- tributed to New York Gov. Consumers and en- vironmentalists in Vermont have also pressed municipally- owned utilities to cancel Hydro Quebec contracts To turn the tide of public opinion, Hydro Quebec hired Burson- Marstelkr, as well as local lobbyists in New York and Mont- pelier, the Vermont state capital.
The PR giant and the private utilities hat have bought power from Hydro Quebec have formed a rapid response team lo fire back at any anti-HQ publicity, A memo dis- tributed last year lo the Hydro Que- bec team, for ex- ample, outlined a day-by-day stra- tegy to respond to a jY c v York Times Magazine story critical of hydro- power develop- ment in northern Quebec. But since Burson-Marsteller is avoiding a federal law requiring foreign governments lo disclose how much they spend to influence U.
S, public opin- ion, little of that money can be traced. The Foreign Agents Registration Act, originally passed in r lays out reporting requirements for foreign lobbyists and spin doctors. Foreign representatives must list how much they were paid and whom they contacted, Sherman and KimhelE, the Montpelier, Vermont fum that works for Hydro Quebec, has registered under the act. Hare tourists look at area of the James Bay Project designed to prevent overflow. S, emissary, who has negotiated many of the utility's export contracts.
Schultz, Butsoh-M a istel Ler, and the Coalition for Clean and Renewable Energy have hosted briefing sessions for academics, and business and community leaders — opinion makers who can carry the good word about Hydro Quebec back lo their institutions. Because the Cree are considered a foreign nation under U S.
The com- pany takes the position that the law does not apply lo its public relations activities. S, Department of Justice, which administers the law, has stonewalled Dumont in his altempt to get more information. Interview wish mil Jilti, June 4, Interviews With author, June 5, September 14, , anJ January Its surrogates and consultants are sometimes not identified as being on the H. A one-person Albany, New York firm was guaranteed a S Burson-Marstd let's failure to register and to disclose is quite harmful to my clients. June 5 , Interview with. The masquerade is part of the game. B-M and companies like it.
If a pro-utilily gTOup calls itself by a nice, green-sounding name; if speakers at public forums art mol identified as being on the Hydro Quebec payroll; if supposed activists ate ically moles for the opposition, image iriumphs and truth becomes a casualty. The revolving door also contributes to the blurred reEiiity projected by the powerhouse PR firms.
This door not only spins between the government and lobbies but between the press corps and the PR firms. Like Capitol Hill aides who trade in their access and expertise for a lobbyist's salary, burned out or broke reporters can be tempted by the greener and more lucrative pastures offered by PR companies, In Vermont for example, the Kimbdl and Sherman lobbying firm — which shares several clients with Burson-Mars teller— has hired expert reporters to work as lobbyists and icnl-a- flacks.
PR experis know how the system works and bow to apply public and private pressure. Stauber, who has tracked a vari- ety of public relations firms in his work on BGH, emphasizes l hat activists need to learn more about the companies and their taciics "Citizens groups, farm organ! Now you're aligned against PR organizations trained in private i revest iga- t inn, legal act i vities and grassr on is organ! Interview Wiih. January 27, InitiTvicw wjih author, Jammy ] 4. And when the sun rises we are afraid it might not remain when the sun sets we are afraid it mignt not rise in Ihe morning when our stomachs are full we are afraid Dizzy Gillespie for President!
To the Bfues House.. S, ambassador except Chester Bowles and give the assignments to jazz musicians,,, they really 'know where it is 1. Max Roach argued for the position of Minister of War. He said he wanted to declare it. I have Ch pries Mingus lined up for Minister of Peace because hell take a piece out of your head faster than anybody. Malcolm [X] will be appointed U. Attorney General, immediately. W WS-W2 Morton St avis, described by Justice William Brennan as a fellow valiant in the cause of liberty and justice," was a man of historic dimensions.
His co- workers at the Center lor Constitutional Rights, which he hetped found 27 years ago, deeply mourn his death at age He challenged government repression in his defense of union strikers in Newark, civil rights workers in the Mississippi delta, and anti -poverty workers in Kentucky.
Marty framed strategy to defend movement lawyers against chilling government sanctions, His greatest joy was training and challenging young lawyers to enter peoples' law. So It rs better to speak remembering we were never meant to survive. Norton Co, Inc. Upon retiring from the United States Supreme Court in , Justice Marshall was asked how he would want to be remembered. He replied, 'Thai he did what he could with what he had. Tomorrow's victims may be minorities, women, or the indigent. Inevitably, this campaign to resurrect yesterday's 'spirited dissents' w ; l squander the authority and the legitimacy of this court as a protector of the powerless.
But BCCl's lies to the shadowy world of intelligence go deeper, Clark Clifford and Richard Helms — retired, hut still- connected senior members of rhe U. Sheikh Kama!