People who did not formally belong to an indigenous group rediscovered their ethnic heritage and others claiming Indian heritage began populating the news-groups and mailing lists. Many people used the Internet to raise questions concerning their personal and collective identities and to share their histories. Before the Internet, these histories were only accessible through restricted classified systems at university or public libraries. In other words, the information came home and in exchange, people started to share their own oral histories regarding their indigenous experiences.
Columbus' quincentennial initiated a reunion of indigenous peoples of the North and the South. They were able to exchange information pertaining to a continental saga set within the framework of the nation-state, globalization, and human rights. People started to build exchanges and organized meetings with the purpose of furthering decolonization. Indigenous collective entities continued to struggle for the preservation of their livelihoods and territories against the reckless incursion of transnational corporations.
For indigenous peoples, the debate was, and still is the struggle over colonialism, neocolonialism, and liberation. Internet access has become a specialty; one must be trained before navigating the Internet and computers are not always openly available to indigenous peoples. Computer technology has been taught in a manner which makes indigenous peoples recall the way their languages work.
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Most of these languages work on an agglutinative principle; a root word provides the base and an infinite number of suffixes are added according to the situation. Computer technology, listservs, newsgroups, and websites work in this way as well. Rapid PC technological change has provoked short circuits. Floppies, as well as early PC consoles quickly became outdated. The Internet has become so specialized that participants tend to stick together. Internet participants express their opinions freely which produces a sense of equality in the process of exchanging information.
Several interesting cases will highlight the extent to which the Internet has allowed the flow of information. In Guatemala, the Powers that Be brandished internal security arguments to curtail the use of the Internet. As indigenous organizations gained computer knowledge to press for their cultural rights, traditional sectors of the government tried to control this flow of information. Adaptation of computer technology to meet local needs, however, helps redefine cultural and national identities.
Not only have computer technological issues been solved, but programs have been adapted to the specifics of indigenous reality. The Maya project is one of the most serious attempts at creating a space on the Internet for the 22 indigenous cultures which still exist in Guatemala.
The Maya are working to retrieve all the information that pertains to their culture starting with programs of linguistic restoration, as well as documents that may shed light on the legitimacy of their ancient territorial claims. The Maya of Guatemala constitute one of the best examples where western computer technology, appropriately used by the Maya themselves, has been coopted to promote their demands within the nation-state. Unless the military regains their Cold War dictatorial power as it often appears evident, the Guatemalan example could be one where PC technology mediates a true democratization process.
Although the Kuna nation of Panama is numerically small, it also has strong young organizations which make serious use of computer technology. The Internet has helped the Kuna become strong international advocates of environmental issues.
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Some of their members have been able to establish strong collaborative relationships with environmental organizations. Environmentalists have invited their leaders to serve as consultants for international agencies, to develop plans that defend the environment, and to work for human rights for indigenous peoples. Kuna representatives have become leading figures in debates concerning biodiversity, indigenous property rights, and DNA collection. The use of electronic media has been extremely important to them in defending their interests and questioning government decisions.
Radical changes in the way politics have worked under the PRI-dominated political system in Mexico have also opened space for a more active voice for indigenous peoples. Starting with the Zapatista Uprising of , the use of computer technology and the Internet played an essential role in the diffusion of information. Although indigenous peoples themselves are rarely visible on the Internet, some indigenous individuals have been able to train themselves on the use of computer technology.
Indigenous peoples in Mexico continue to live under a system of profound poverty which leaves organizing and gaining access to computer systems in the hands of the non-indigenous majority. This was one of the first organizations of indigenous journalists, based in Latin America, Europe, and the U. Unfortunately, they did not have strong economic support. The venture received outside financial aid, but was unable to become a functional unit. AIPIN accumulated exorbitant phone bills and was eventually forced to sell their computers in order to pay off debts.
Although this idea was essentially a good one, the lack of expertise defeated the cause and by , AIPIN became a one-person struggle. Additional actions:. EBook Palgrave Macmillan Available at Electronic Books -. View full text e-book at Palgrave. Access restricted to Unisa staff and students. Details Shelf No. Palgrave global media policy and business. Media Systems and Communication Policies in Latin America analyzes the conflicting roles that global , regional, and local forces play in the shaping of media systems, policies, and industries in Latin America. These forces have developed what is called a captured liberal model, which is used as a theoretical concept to explain the communication policies, the configuration of media systems, the realities of journalism or the contexts of cultural industries in the region.
The intentional lack of regulation enforcement, the pragmatic exercise of power, and the configuration of alliances between media barons and political elites all help to explain why private media developed early and why its concentration is so high in Latin America. Moreover, the fact that media conglomerates emerged under the auspices of dictatorships and authoritarian rule clashes with the existing assumptions that private ownership entails distance and autonomy from the state.
Their emergence also dispels the assumption that authoritarian states need to employ harsh regulation and secure administration or control of the media to better exert and legitimize power. Second, because media have the symbolic power to construct general realities, media institutions in themselves are a resource whose long-term distribution can be unjust.
In still other cases, media provide a forum for challenging injustices unconnected with media. The relations between media , communications and social progress are therefore inherently complex. Even so, media and communications have important potential to contribute to particular struggles for social justice. Now is not the first time that the implications of media flows and infrastructures for social progress have been considered on a global scale.
Throughout history, human communications through media have produced a tremendous diversity of meaning around the globe. But as the world entered the modern era, and as print, telegraph and electronic systems emerged and spread within the expansion of global capitalism, countless distinct languages and identities have disappeared.
As scholars pointed out consistently from the late s, these highly concentrated flows gave rise to relationships of cultural domination and dependency Schiller ; Smythe There were however counter-movements. Anti-capitalistic, nationalistic and anti-fascist struggles led to the establishment of communist media systems in Russia, Eastern and Central Europe, and China. The rise of the nonaligned movements among the newly independent nations, originally in a Cold War context, engendered a global struggle toward a New World Information and Communication Order NWICO in the s MacBride and Roach , which we discuss more fully in section 6.
Meanwhile communication inequality between the Global North and the Global South identified by the NWICO movement has become more complex and multifaceted in the midst of broader global power shifts. The rise of the Internet and the expansion of Silicon Valley-dominated social media platforms, data processing operations, and intellectual property regimes have threatened to further homogenize media communications and knowledge systems within and between nations in the Global North and Global South, while engendering new forms of communication inequality and new forms of media-based censorship and threats to public knowledge see sections 3 and 4.
While scholarship on the complex regional flows of media has challenged the dominance of Western history Schiller ; Boyd-Barrett ; Iwabuchi ; Sinclair and Jacka , the same geographical skewing has been repeated in recent accounts of the rise of the Internet as Chan notes. We will argue against this simplified view. No universal history of media is possible on a global scale. We note at the outset that European and North American media systems are characterized by a plurality of print news outlets, but with varied levels of readership high in Northern Europe, low in Southern Europe, with North America taking a middle position Hallin and Mancini European and North American broadcasting media have been organized differently: whether as a public service model largely modelled on British BBC, addressing audiences as citizens or following the US commercial model based on advertising, addressing audiences as consumers.
In the late s, the European broadcasting media landscape was re-regulated, and public service broadcasters met competition from commercial broadcasters. The last couple of decades have seen the collapse of older print business models, with advertising spending increasingly allocated to the Internet, even as Internet penetration remains uneven, for example among post-communist countries. Other regions have had very different trajectories. Here, there is a mixed picture with intense forms of domestic media concentration Australia and New Zealand and also much investment, especially in digital media, by international investors, from global social media platforms, to sovereign wealth funds and technology and mobile corporations.
The number of mobile phone users grew rapidly from 27 million in to 36 million in out of a population of about 50 million KCC and KISA , and today high-speed mobile services provide seamless multimedia services throughout the country NIA The concentrated ownership of the Chaebols — Korean-style family-owned multinationals such as Samsung and LG — characterized the equipment market for Internet connection, with ADSL hardware and modem production also dominated by LG Electronics and Samsung. Along a very different path, media systems in African countries have been shaped by a common history of colonialism, struggles for independence and postcolonial conflict.
At independence, the newspaper industry in Africa was controlled largely by foreign capital, but rapidly became nationalized and state-controlled. Recently wireless broadband and mobile Internet have driven the rapid growth of the Internet across Africa, although with major disparities between different countries. South Africa and Nigeria lead the way in terms of number of Internet subscriptions, while countries such as Kenya, Sudan and Zimbabwe have seen strong increases in penetration rates in recent years Niyerenda-Jere and Biru By contrast, Latin America tried to block privatization and externally-driven media concentration during the s and s, but rates of media privatization and concentration caught up with the rest of the world in the s, with much de-regulation in the past two decades.
The consequences have been varied: in the regional television network TeleSUR see section 4 was established, sponsored by left-leaning administrations in Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Uruguay.
Mobile phone industries and the Internet have rapidly penetrated the Latin American landscape since but with great diversity. Brazil has been the site of great media concentration with decades-long dominance of TV Globo , but also of a major challenge to Western dominance of Internet architecture and governance the Marco Civil initiative: see section 6. In the Arab region, media production, infrastructure development, and influence over content are concentrated in the Gulf petro-monarchies.
The Arab Satellite Organization has, since the late s, been dominated by Saudi Arabia Egypt is the only other country in the region that developed a satellite infrastructure. This imbalance has recently been exacerbated by a deep financial crisis hitting the media sector throughout the region. From the mids to the onset of the Arab uprisings, Saudi-Qatari rivalry generated competition between Qatari owned Al-Jazeera and Saudi owned Al-Arabiya, which differed sharply in their editorial and ideological orientations.
Although Al-Jazeera is widely seen as challenging Western dominance of news agendas, since the Arab uprisings, it has seen major editorial conflicts and the emergence of a rival, Al-Mayadeen, based in Beirut on Al-Jazeera, see Section 4. Media in Russia and China today trace their respective historical origins to 20th century Soviet Union and China state-controlled non-commercial media systems, whose organization had intellectual roots in Marxist-Leninist critiques of capitalist and imperialist control of the printing press in the West. Both systems share the legacy of what today would be understood as social movement media, but they were also internally complex, contradictory, and laden with nationalistic and sectorial struggles.
In fact, the Chinese system had distinctive elements from the Soviet model and by the early s, the Soviet and Chinese media systems were in serious ideological conflict. By the late s, the Chinese media system was destabilized in the onset of the Cultural Revolution. Nevertheless, these historical systems pursued communist visions of modernity and social progress through ideological mobilization and cultural enfranchisement, and, as such, provided many Third World post-colonial states with alternative models for media organization from those in the West while also providing inspiration for social struggles in the West, including US civil rights struggles Dubziak ; Frazier The collapse of the Soviet Union left Russia with a television-centered non-commercial media system.
Liberalization, fractionalization of the post-communist political elite, and economic difficulties led to privatization of state TV channels in the mids. Newly founded private television channels emerged as the economic situation improved, bringing more diversity into the media landscape. However, the early years of the 21st century have seen a gradual re-nationalization of most leading TV channels, outside the entertainment sector. The Russian government inherited from its Soviet predecessor direct control over transmission networks and appointment of the top television management.
While the s saw media wars between different television channels on behalf of various political groups, the s were marked by emergence of an identical pro-Kremlin picture on most TV channels. Social and media development is, however, very uneven in different Russian provinces, varying from near subsistence farmers with access to just analogue TV channels and no Internet to highly networked and cosmopolitan major cities.
On a global scale, given the denial for two decades to Russian television of broadcasting frequencies in most post-Soviet countries, the government launched Russia Today as a news provider which is rapidly emerging as a major transnational satellite channel. Meanwhile, and against the trend of most other Russian industries, the Russian Internet industry has been very successful. Only China has rivaled Russia in building its own prominent Internet industry, but it has done so through the defensive Chinese firewall.
Russia is the only country where local Internet businesses have beaten global giants without any protective barriers, with Yandex search engine more popular in Russia than Google, while Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki social networking sites are attracting much larger local audiences than Facebook. Nevertheless, the Russian government is facing a challenging choice with regard Internet management. Attempts to increase Internet control through pro-government ownership of Russian social media sites such as LiveJournal and VKontakte might drive a key segment of the news reading Internet audience to foreign competitors such as Facebook.
The result has been a dramatic polarization of Russian audiences between a loyal majority and a critical minority both online and offline. This policy coupled with state support of Internet-based creativity, has encouraged the Russian IT sector to move away from politically sensitive issues. By mid, China had over 2, newspaper titles, nearly 10, periodicals, more than television stations with nearly 3, channels, with an audience reach of 1.
Regional media conglomerates such as the Shanghai Media and Entertainment Group, the Guangdong Nanfang Media Group and Hunan Satellite Television have also been highly influential in spearheading institutional reform, operational innovations, and content diversification. Unlike in Russia, since the late s, the Chinese state has systematically aimed to build the size and strength of its media and communication operations.
Yet, the more the Chinese media system evolves, the more the Community Party of China emphasizes its Leninist founding principles. Yet each framework has its own historical and geopolitical context. In the aftermath of the global economic crisis, the Chinese state elevated the media, communication, Internet and cultural industries as a driver of economic restructuring Hong forthcoming. No other issue has received as much strategic emphasis by consecutive Chinese leaderships in the past three decades. Traditionally, Sweden has had high voter turnout, and high levels of literacy and newspaper reading, not least due to the national subsidy system for print newspapers, which have resulted in a plurality of local newspapers with high readership.
Typically, the subsidy system provided for a plurality of political positions, with at least two local or regional newspapers representing two political viewpoints. Like other European countries, Sweden has had a strong public service broadcaster for radio and TV, which since the late s has faced strong competition from commercial broadcasters. The communications infrastructure has been well developed, with high penetrations of landline phones, mobile phones and computers. Newspapers are today facing dramatic declines in readership, and advertising has migrated to the Internet.
News consumption has also migrated from traditional press to social media such as Facebook and Twitter. The digitization of media contents in particular has changed the power dynamics within the media industries, with the telecommunications industries acquiring increased importance because of their centrality to Wi-Fi and broadband networks. This infrastructural power was highlighted in , when TeliaSonera closed an exclusive deal with Facebook for free surfing through their networks, perceived as unfair competition by Swedish news publishers in print and broadcasting and contrary to the EU regulation on net neutrality compare Section 6 on Facebook India.
Because of its well-developed infrastructure for high-speed Internet, Sweden is also known as a safe haven for Internet piracy, with The Pirate Bay party TPB its most prominent symbol Larsson ; Andersson Schwarz acting as a focus for debates on media governance issues. Country case study three: South Africa. South African media are arguably the most technologically advanced on the African continent, offering a wide range of content across print, broadcast and digital platforms.
Its media landscape involves a three-tiered model of public, commercial and community media. South Africa became a democracy in , with its early period post-independence from Britain better seen as the continuation of colonialism in internal form the apartheid system Visser The changes that South African public broadcasting has undergone illustrate some of these shifts. The Windhoek Declaration in signalled a move towards greater independence of broadcasting continent-wide, even if in some countries like Zimbabwe there has been a deterioration in recent years Kupe The Windhoek Declaration coincided with the period of negotiated transition in South Africa, which saw the SABC adopting a public service mandate and media freedom entrenched in the new Constitution.
The SABC has however never been fully publicly funded, and is largely dependent on commercial funding Kupe Other negative signs have been the proposal of a statutory Media Appeals Tribunal which would impose harsher sanctions on offending journalists and Protection of State Information Bill which could criminalize whistleblowers, investigative journalists, and civil society activists who access information classified by the government as secret R2K South Africa led the way in newspaper development in Anglophone Africa, with the publication of the Cape Town Gazette in Karikari , and a centuries-old private commercial press.
Under apartheid, mainstream newspapers either supported the regime the Afrikaans-language press or provided a limited critique the English press , while an alternative, underground press engaged in a more radical critique of apartheid and faced harassment, censure and closures. Democratization largely eliminated the parallelism between language and political orientation, and most South African newspapers adopted a watchdog approach to the government and reflected a liberal, commercial consensus. Meanwhile, as in some other African countries, South African media have been effected by global investment processes.
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The South African press was a major capitalist venture from its inception. For example, the South African media company Naspers has become a globalized conglomerate, while the Irish Independent group bought the largest English-language newspaper group in , selling it in to the Sekunjalo consortium, in which Chinese business interests have a major stake. Widely seen as a vehicle for soft power in Africa, several state-owned Chinese media houses have established offices on the continent Kenya as well as South Africa , including the news agency Xinhua, the newspaper China Daily , China Central Television, and China Radio International.
China has also funded media and communications infrastructure around the continent Wu The influence of the Chinese media presence and investments in African media on journalistic norms and practices has been controversial, and challenges any simple regional or Western-dominated model of media diversity. During the transition to democracy, a particular attempt was made to strengthen the community media sector through the establishment of the Media Development and Diversity Agency MDDA to fund media owned and controlled by the community they serve, especially to enable more Black ownership of media Banda Another important development has been the rise of popular tabloid newspapers which, although commercially owned, provide perspectives from the poor, mostly Black, working class rarely found in mainstream print media Wasserman Some of the most interesting alternatives to the mainstream print media in South Africa have been online the Daily Maverick, The Con and Groundup.
Such publications have provided critical analysis and investigative reporting often surpassing the mainstream press in South Africa in diversity and depth. Despite the obstacles in terms of access and reach, digital media platforms are increasingly reshaping social relationships and public spheres in Africa Mabweazara 2. Meanwhile, the mobile phone has had a massive impact on social, political and economic life: as a platform for Internet access, banking and money transfers, for reconstituting traditional modes of sociality Mabweazara , and, via social media platforms, as providers of spaces for citizens to engage in political debate and mobilize for social change.
Country case study four: Indonesia . An important case of a diverse media system is Indonesia, the largest economy in Southeast Asia with a population of million, and the fourth largest democracy in the world. It is an archipelago with approximately 6, inhabited islands, ethnic groups, languages and dialects, which faced over three decades of authoritarian rule under President Soeharto to , and has since been democratizing.
For decades the authoritarian state held strong control over media infrastructure and content, from the press, radio, film, satellite, to television. Although designed as a network system, television infrastructure and production relied heavily on central funding and programming Sen and Hill These policies allowed foreign content via satellite television and cable networks Hollander et al. This gave precedence to market demand over commercial news, and gradually weakened state control over information.
Around the same time, the Internet came to Indonesia, providing an alternative source of information to a small elite in Java Sen and Hill ; Lim Media liberalization and commercialization of information paved way for the growth of a civil society Hollander et al. The authoritarian regime finally broke under the weight of the Asian economic crisis of , in the face of increasing public pressure and conflicting interests within the ruling elite, starting a social transformation among an expanding middle class amid conditions of unprecedented economic growth Basri While market demand over commercial news had helped the push for democratic transition, since the early s the development of the news media in Indonesia have relied more on market responses rather than having an independent democratic agenda.
Second to television, the Internet has the highest penetration rate of This has caused the closing of print versions of newspapers, while digital news has seen a steady rise. Indonesia experienced the largest number of mergers and acquisitions in the history of its media system in Nugroho et al. There has emerged a set of interconnected relationships between politicians and media proprietors, with various political leaders owning media companies.
This has allowed media conglomerates to republish the same news content on multiple platforms.
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Significantly, the Internet infrastructure and service provision remain dominated by state enterprises Telkom and Indosat, which caters mostly to urban users in large cities. Media markets and conglomeration are concentrated in Jakarta and Java more broadly, monetizing the activities of Internet users in large cities while excluding users in rural areas and small cities.
Consequently, media systems in Indonesia today still reflect the centralization model that was established since the s, while also registering the power of global digital platforms. Country case study five: Mexico .
The media system in Mexico is highly concentrated and deeply marketized. Its core is commercial broadcasting, owned by private corporations controlled by a handful of individuals. After the Mexican Revolution the country adopted a capitalist economic model and initiated a corporatization of the Mexican State.
Lack of regulation and communication policies led to a concentration of media in a few families. In the early 20th century, well-established industrial families railways, mining, and banking invested in radio broadcasting.
After WWI, US capital replaced European investments in Mexico, with large investments in the radio industry radio stations, manufacture and sales of radio devices, records, phonographs. In the Mexican television industry started, modeled on the US commercial system. From its origins, Televisa had a close link with the ruling party PRI. Televisa subsequently became the most influential global producer and distributer of Spanish-language audiovisual contents, and currently owns among others free-to-air television channels, restricted television systems satellite and cable , a leading Spanish editorial house, radio stations, entertainment companies, soccer teams and stadiums, music recording companies, cinema distribution companies.
In the early s the public television channels 7 and 13 were privatized. The early s also saw the privatization of telecommunications, generating another monopoly Telmex-Telcel in the hands of just one individual, Carlos Slim. Political reforms have continuously supported deregulation and privatization, and changes in legislation have meant more power and influence for media monopolies, generating a mediacracy, where members of senate and congress have direct links with the media industry. The new legislation enabled Televisa to enter the telecommunications market by offering triple play services cable television, landline telephone services, and Internet.
The new legislation punishes Telmex by imposing strict restrictions on telephone carriers cancellation of long distance fees; a prohibition on charging for interconnection services. There are also positive aspects to this new legislation. While public services are still offered by private entities through concessions regimes that distinguish between commercial, public and social media indigenous and cultural , with the latter not allowed to sell advertisements although previously community and indigenous media were not recognized, and hence operated outside any legal framework , telecommunications and broadcasting have now been defined as fundamental human rights and public services compare SDG 9.
As for telecommunications, the new legislation reserves a portion of the spectrum for social concessions, reflecting the work done by the community cellular network which had created a network of mobile phone services for indigenous communities previously denied mobile phone services by the major telecommunication companies.
Civil society activism in Mexico has therefore begun slowly to correct for some of the excesses of previous marketization. Alongside the differences in media infrastructure between regions are stark differences in access to media between population sectors within the same region. It is significant that basic levels of mobile phone subscriptions and Internet access are included as items in the Social Progress Index, alongside the concerns about state control of media registered in the press freedom index compare SDG 9.
Access, in fact, depends on the inter-relationship between media and other closely related factors: literacy, language, and education SDG 4. Many countries which had very little access in the s have by the early s experienced significant growth. To illustrate the patterning of uneven media access, we can start with regions within which there is great disparity. Asia, for instance, includes countries such as South Korea and Japan, both pioneers in digital media, as well as emerging powerhouses such as India and China. China has moved quickly from 1.
In Malaysia had Yet, many other Asian countries continue to have comparatively poor media infrastructure, including Bangladesh 9. In Latin America, while the mobile phone industries have rapidly penetrated since , the mobile phone landscape is not homogenous. Latin America went straight from no phones to cellular telephony without a land-line phase. Admittedly, in some regions and countries there is relatively little variation within populations. But this is not a typical picture.
Within countries , there are also striking disparities in access SDG 9. Other countries have seen extraordinary large-scale growth. As previously noted, at a general level Western colonial powers such as the UK, France and the US dominated global information flows during and after the colonial period. Those media culture flows were themselves unevenly shaped by the long-standing centrality of the US, with which even the UK and France could not compete. In some non-Western regions, however, more complex flows of media culture have evolved.
However, cultural globalization does not simply homogenize the world, but instead reorganizes the production of cultural diversity Hannerz By creatively localizing and indigenizing US cultural influences, some non-Western countries such as Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria, Japan, South Korea and India have achieved high levels of media production capacity, especially in the last two decades. The media outputs of those countries circulate transnationally and are favorably received within and beyond their regions, generating important counter-flows to US dominance.
And, although Latin American media content still privileges the visibility of upper class and predominantly White groups, some content does depict the experiences of working class and non-White Latin Americans. Flows from other regions of the world Africa, South and Southeast Asia are still scarce. The impact of globalization on African media has also shifted the flows and contraflows of media content and capital. After the long dominance of ex-colonial powers, many countries have recently developed media production capacities. It has become the third largest global producer of feature films, next to Hollywood US and Bollywood India , relying increasingly on co-production and distribution with the Ghanaian film industry.
Also notable are the growing African and global footprint of the South African media giant Naspers, and significant foreign investment in African media firms, especially from China Xinhua news agency, China Central Television see section 2. In Asia, India, Hong Kong and Japan have developed local film and TV industries and their media outputs have circulated within the region for many years. However, circulation outside the region has jumped sharply in the last two decades.
The global diffusion of Bollywood films in India has become much more prominent Kavoori and Punathambekar ; Gopal and Moorti In East Asia, cultural products such as manga, animation, video games and TV dramas produced in Japan have generated a regional and global media culture more systematically since the s Iwabuchi This complexity characterizes counter-flows in other regions too.
The more counter-flows to American media culture advance, the more market-driven governance encompasses them. American media culture maintains a pivotal presence, yet in a way that goes beyond a straightforward understanding of American cultural hegemony. Hollywood itself has striven to incorporate capital, talent and narratives from many parts of the world and develop outsourcing of post-production labor on a global scale Miller et al. The rise of non-Western media cultures can be seen as part of a market-driven recentralization in which diverse players across the world collaborate to penetrate transnational markets, engendering a new kind of governance via marketing, co-production, distribution and copyright monopoly.
Section 3 will discuss the emergence of global governance infrastructures for the regulation of information and data. At the same time, cultural counter-flows of diverse regions and countries cultivate cross-border exchange and dialogue, with important implications for social progress. Regional circulation of diverse media cultures has brought about new kinds of cross-border connections, mutual understanding and self-reflexivity about people's own society and culture on a larger scale than ever before.
The mutual consumption of media cultures, in some regions of the world at least, has created an opportunity for mutual understanding of societies and cultures Iwabuchi ; A crucial question however remains: whose voices and concerns are not included and which issues are not featured as the marketization of media culture flows advances? Section 5 considers the ambivalent consequences of the rise of non-Western media culture flows for the active global citizenship that such media connections may foster.
Even before , the global media landscape was highly uneven, and its implications for social progress correspondingly complex. This double shift has multiple consequences. First, the increasing dependence in daily life on a complex, distributed online infrastructure for mediating daily life changes the power dynamics within the media industries, leading to the increased importance of the telecommunications industries which provide infrastructures of connection Wi-Fi and broadband networks.
But the global balance is no longer one of simple US dominance. By the end of , of the top 10 Internet companies in the world, six are US and four are Chinese. Second, such developing power concentrations have implications for evermore sectors of everyday life from government to health SDG 3. Take also education itself an important focus of the Sustainable Development Goals [ SDG 4 ] : concerns are developing regarding school learning materials increasingly provided not by the state but by commercial media companies such as Apple and Google through initiatives such as Apple Education and Google for Education.
Weaker welfare and public service systems are creating opportunities for market advances in areas such as education that were not previously much commercially exploited Forsman ; Selwyn At the same time, deep inequalities of access remain, as noted in section 2. The African continent, for example, remains characterized by widespread poverty, huge socio-economic inequalities, and highly differentiated patterns of media access and use, with the central parts of the continent most deprived Porter and Stern 17, As we showed in Section 2, the global media landscape is complex and uneven, reflecting many diverse histories.
Governments worldwide have expressed interests in regulating media infrastructures.