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It isn't curious that the word "destiny" [ destin ] is derived from the [Latin] verb destinare, which means "to attach. Less and less "human," but more and more communal, simpler. With good cause, the subject of such an attachment is treated as "irreducible," because it is no longer reducible to itself. For our part, we are please to name the reducible the crowd of those who, taking themselves for people, betray themselves at every moment.

He kept Blanqui in secret and refused to exchange him for sixty-four hostages, including the Archbishop of Paris.

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Flotte[9] recounts this remark by Thiers: "To bring Blanqui to the insurrection is to send him a force equal to an armed corps. He knows how to show his abilities in [both] action and thought, and to practice [ tenir ] them together. One need search no further for the origin of the implacable hatred and the unfailing loyalty that Blanqui inspired. As for Blanqui, the cold mathematician of revolt and reprisals, he seems to hold between his thin fingers the tally [ le devis ] of the sorrows and rights of the people" Valles, L'Insurge.

Unlike a leader, he neither flattered nor snubbed anyone, and he preferred to keep people at a distance than to take the risk of [mutual] seduction. By his very existence, he contradicted all the bourgeoisie's propaganda, which -- before turning insurgent Parisian proletarians into piles of cadavers as tall as barricades -- began by painting them as a shapeless mass, as a brainless Plebian class of thieves, drunks, prison-escapees, headless devils, creatures that were unintelligible, monstrous and foreign to all humanity.

And so: there is a logic of revolt.


There is a science of insurrection. There is an intelligence in the riot, an idea of upheaval. It is necessary to have all the class-hatred of de Tocqueville to fail to recognize it. There is indeed a romantic feeling for life that extends down to us and even more profoundly infests our era than the previous century. Musset[11] codified it once and for all in , in the first few pages of La Confession :.

All that has been valuable in the last two centuries -- in all domains -- has been made against the romantic feeling for life, that is to say, by keeping it in mind. Newton's speeches, the urban guerrilla and the wind that blows through la villa Savoye.

Starting with what is here, and not with what is missing, with what as they say will default on the real. Never wait; operate with those who are there. Learn oneself, learn [other] beings and situations, not as entities, but as intersections [ parcourus ] of lines and planes, traversed by misfortunes [ fatalites ].

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No afterlife, reveries, recriminations or explications. Do not recoil from any logical consequence. Those who speak of revolution without concerning themselves with the questions of arms and supplies already have cadavers in their hands. If the state of things is untenable, it is not because of this or that, but because I am powerless within it. Never oppose the necessities of thought and action.


Remain firm in moments of ebb, when one must start again, alone, from the beginning: one is never alone with the truth. Such a way of being can find no excuse in the eyes of those for whom life is only a scholarly collection of justifications. Faced with this Blanquist way of being, resentment hurls invectives; it denounces "the taking of power" and "megalomania"; it erects its security corridors of bad faith, stupidity and contentment; it announces the banning of the monster that seems to be in the process of extricating itself from the human herd.

The partisans of waiting have always used the adjective "Blanquist" as an unanswerable insult. The purists among the anarchists use it as a synonym for "Jacobin," while the Stalinists used it as the equivalent of "anarchist. All this surface confusion is of no interest.

With patience, always! With resignation, never! The alternative is not between waiting and activism, between participating in "social movements" and forming an avant-garde army; it is between being resigned or organized. A force can grow in an underground [ sous-jacente ] manner, according to its own rhythm, and can seize the time at the opportune moment. If the success of the October coup d'Etat had value for the Bolsheviks [in the form of] the admiration of a crowd of followers and opportunists of all nationalities, the unfortunate attempts of Blanqui -- surrounded with an evil aura -- at least had the merit of distancing him from this race of wood lice.

In its text On the armed struggle in Western Europe, the Red Army Faction cites a passage from the famous article on partisan warfare written by Lenin: "In an era of civil war, the ideal of the party is a militarily engaged party. In the name of the principles of Marxism, we categorically demand that one does not dodge the analysis of the conditions of the civil war via cliches and worn-out phrases about anarchism, Blanquism and terrorism, and [we demand] that one does not come to discuss with us the scarecrow of certain absurd procedures applied by such and such organization in a war fought by partisans.

He who becomes absorbed in a destiny finds himself on equal footing with those who share it. The experience of friendship is the sweetest effect of such discipline. It is that rare form of affection in which the horizon of the world does not disappear. Hannah Arendt says that "friendship is not intimately personal, but poses political requirements and remains oriented towards the world. If Cicero's Lelius foresees the dangers of secession that friendship poses to the City, it is because an unjust world, a detestable society, doesn't get forgotten in friendship as [it does] in the suffocating ecstasies of love.

It still has the chance to orient itself against such a world, against such a society. To speak in blunt terms: today, all friendship is in some way at war with the imperial order or it is only a lie. Lacambre, Tridon, Eudes, Granger, Flotte and the majority of Blanqui's co-conspirators were at first only friends who did not repress their latent politics.

Conversely, all friendships have a conspiratorial kernel. In , Vidocq[18] deplored the fact that there were more than a hundred secret societies in Paris. Any history of the revolutionary movement in France between and carries the trace of the societies that -- clubs as far as the regime would permit -- changed into hotbeds of clandestine propaganda or conspiracies when repression came and once again became clubs the moment that the regime vacillated.

In , there were no less than [secret societies] in Paris, including -- to mention only one -- the club of l'Emeute revolutionnaire, located at 69 rue Mouffetard and presided over by Palanchan, an old accomplice of Blanqui. The official history of the workers movement has it that the conspiratorial tradition -- with its oaths, admission rituals and secret decorum -- succumbed during the development of the workers movement, though it had been its crucible. Did not the members of the League of the Just, ancestor of the League of the Communists, participate in the aborted insurrection of , launched by the Society of the Seasons?

Wasn't it Buonarroti who delivered the precious message of Babeuf to the modern world? Certainly one wasn't admitted to the so-called Revolutionary Communist League as one was admitted to the Association of Egalitarian Workers in With the end of the era of conspiracies, the workers movement supposedly passed from its infantile to its adult phase, from night to light.

At least according to Marxist historiography. The public organizations of Social Democracy took up the slack from shapeless proletarian politics. From the League of the Communists one proceeds by degrees to the International Association of Workers and the existence of Social Democrat Parties in all countries [of Europe], while the anarchists [supposedly] sank stupidly into terrorism and syndicalism. The truth is that conspiratorial politics never ended. And that the organizations that have substituted themselves for a thenceforth missing "people" have only demoted [ repousser ] the conspiratorial to " the informal " and have consequently de-ritualized all that depends upon friendship.

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At bottom, the conflict between Marx and Bakunin concerning the International and its alleged infiltration by an obscure International Alliance of Socialist Democracy founded by Bakunin came down to this: on the one side, a politics based on programs and, on the other, a politics founded on friendship.

A Prussian, Karl Marx did not expect the sad end of the League of Communists due to his hatred of the politics of friends. His review of Chenu's book Les Conspirateurs already oozed pure hostility. Here one has a faithful description of the type of man that Bakunin was at the continental level. Bakunin, who could not in the course of his incessant transcontinental peripatetics encounter a being whom he liked without unloading upon him the statutes of his most recently formed secret society, hoping that he would adhere to what the Program and Object of the Secret Revolutionary Organization of the International Brothers calls a "kind of revolutionary [general] staff composed of individuals who are devoted, intelligent and sincere friends, especially; neither ambitious nor vain; of the people; capable of serving as the intermediary between the revolutionary idea[l] and working-class instincts.

The number of these individuals thus most not be large. For the international organization in all of Europe, one hundred strongly and seriously allied revolutionaries would suffice. It is one of the traits of the present that, at the moment we need all the resources of conspiratorial politics, we no longer understand anything about it.

It is necessary, at any cost, to maintain the following epistemological principle: the history of he revolutionary movement is, first of all, the history of the links that make up its reality [ qui font sa consistance ]. For more than a century, and notably since The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, every event finds its explication among the slaves in a conspiracy by the powerful.

The global petite bourgeoisie dote upon this literature, because it comforts its ignorance and powerlessness. The progression of conspiracism [ complotisme ] has everywhere followed the progression of this "class. In his preface to Histoire des Treize, Balzac[22] expresses as no one else the ambivalence of this power, which can return as aristocratic secession just as it can give birth to a revolutionary force. All of Blanqui's texts are circumstantial texts.

They are driven by the conditions in which and against which they were written. It isn't until l'Eternite par les astres [] that the Fort du Taureau is mentioned. From whence comes the nonexistence of Blanqui's oeuvre, in the sense of something that includes an entire treasure. From whence also comes the absence of a Blanquist doctrine as there exists a Marxist metaphysics.

Everything's there. Blanqui is the author of the phrase "Neither God, nor master," the man who wrote "Honest [ reguliere ] anarchy is the future of humanity," and the author of an appeal against mutualism and in favor of integral association entitled "Communism is the future of society. Of course, constructing a revolutionary force when overthrowing an administrative monarchy, when there is only an elite to put down, this can be the work of an elite.

When Bismarck's armies marched on Paris, acting in a revolutionary way was "making barricades and digging trenches; assigning churches to national usages; arming the priests and, consequently, suppressing all cults; mandating enlistment; placing food in common and rationing it; dismissing and dispersing the former police forces; and denouncing suspects and Bonapartists" Dommanget, Blanqui []. It must collect all useful intelligence about the adversary's organization and provoke desertions in all ranks of society. It must socialize itself to the same extent that the social becomes military.

But no more than yesterday: things can't wait. Such a force is in the process of being constituted. If this force closely studies Blanqui, it is only to better understand the war in progress. Time passes.

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That is its nature. As long as there is time, there will be boredom, and time passes. Berg implicitly represents the child as free and natural, although her focus is very much on the urban environment.

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However, her account is far from celebratory or sentimental, let alone cute: there is a good deal here about the indignity of poverty, and the violence and suffering children endure at the hands of abusive parents and a repressive welfare system. Berg urges her readers to look at, and learn from, children; but she is also bitterly critical of policies and practices for example, on the part of schools and urban planners that constrain their lives. As Patricia Holland recalls, several of these publications included letters from children, and some were produced by school children themselves, with titles like Braindamage , Miscarriage and Blackbored.

Meanwhile, the Schools Action Union was formed in London in , for children to campaign on issues such as selective schooling, the examination system and the use of corporal punishment. While the hippies seem to conceive of childhood as a desirable state to which adults should seek to return, the new left argument sees it as a state of oppression that needs to be overthrown. For the new left, children like women, blacks and other oppressed groups are in need of liberation; for the hippies, it is as though they are already liberated.

At the risk of oversimplifying, a binary chart might help to clarify this distinction:. Childhood as a distinct, separate phase of life. Challenging distinctions between child and adult. According to Diski, part of the aim here was to pass on to the next generation the counter-cultural idea of childhood as in itself a form of liberation:. The Peter Pan generation were trying to give our younger selves the liberated childhood we had belatedly discovered and were presently acting out, just as our parents had funded us to have a carefree misspent youth that they had lacked… We were a generation that wanted to give the children the childhoods we wished we had had, or thought we wished we had had.

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At least in the UK, there was a class element to this: the children who were the objects of this movement were largely working-class, while many of their teachers were middle-class. It was also, predominantly, an educational movement, seeking to engage with mainstream schools, working within the system rather than seeking merely to escape from it. In the United States, the image of childhood as a state of natural innocence and wonder was a recurring trope in hippy music and iconography.

This idea of a return to childhood and to nature was also evident in musical lyrics. As British pop and rock musicians began to break away from the influence of American rhythm and blues, and came under the influence of psychedelic drugs, a distinctive style began to emerge that among other things harked back to a world of childhood fantasy. And of course, it was the Beatles who brought much of this child-like imagery to the mass audience.

Along with the fashion for Edwardian clothing Sergeant Pepper et al. Yet even at that time it was first produced, much of this imagery was already nostalgic. This is very much an urban, industrial and post-industrial view of childhood, which is a long way from the pastoral idyll of the hippies. Children are often captured in action, working as well as playing. They rarely smile or pose for the camera, although in some cases they look back at the photographer with a challenging glare. The landscape of the child is not a secret garden, but one of bombsites and abandoned buildings; and the use of high-contrast monochrome represents a powerful claim to documentary realism.

Even so, the drawn illustrations for her Nippers series are also of urban settings, and offer a kind of everyday realism that is far from the sanitized, middle-class world of their predecessors Janet and John the British equivalent of Dick and Jane — and indeed from the fey pastoral world of the hippies. Images of Disney characters and Marvel superheroes were appropriated and often adapted to illustrate critiques of US politics.

And as we shall see in the case of Schoolkids Oz , this subversive use of traditional childhood imagery often provoked particular wrath from the authorities. It was edited by Richard Neville, one of a small contingent of Australian hippies who arrived in the UK in the mid-sixties.

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While still a student, Neville had established Oz in his native Sydney in it was a scurrilous, satirical publication, whose provocative approach had already resulted in a prosecution for obscenity. Neville began producing a British version of Oz shortly after arriving in London. While the first issues were still primarily satirical, Oz quickly aligned itself with the hippy counter-culture.

It was rather less serious and less overtly political than its rival IT International Times , and it became notorious for its psychedelic approach to the use of colour and design even its producers would accept that it was sometimes unreadable : if IT was the community newspaper, Oz was like the irreverent colour supplement of the underground press. At least on the face of it, the editors were keen to create a dialogue between the writers and the readership: the columns were often full of critical letters from readers, condemning the magazine for being insufficiently revolutionary.

Perhaps aware that many of the ideologues of the counter-culture were far from youthful, and claiming that they themselves were getting rather long in the tooth, the editors decided to hand over the issue to a group of schoolchildren. However, many of these descriptions are quite ironic and self-deprecating; and many of the pictures show them dressed satirically in school uniform. Of course, this was not intended to be a representative group: it was a self-selecting sample of junior Oz readers who already knew the kinds of things they might be expected to say and do.

Neville is front and centre, with his legs wide apart, wielding a cane and making a clenched-fist salute — despite the fact that, as I have noted, he was barely involved in the actual editing. In fact, several key decisions were taken by the editors, Anderson and Dennis — most notably the wraparound cover, which attracted considerable attention at the trial.

Given that the magazine was assembled by Anderson and Dennis, it is doubtful whether the teenagers even saw the complete text before it was published. Crumb, which had been published earlier that year. Onto the head of the main character, he has cut-and-pasted the head of Rupert Bear, a long-established British cartoon character; and underneath he has inserted some lines of text from a Rupert book. The shock and the humour clearly derive from his incongruous and subversive use of the image of the innocent Rupert — a sentimental icon of childhood that, for some older members of the trial jury, must have seemed almost sacred.

The performance aims to raise questions about issues such as school discipline and the failures of the examination system, but it frequently provokes an aggressive response from teachers and in several instances from the police. The story is accompanied by a cartoon of students hurling abuse at their headteacher, who is attempting to expel the intruders. As well as claiming that the system is arbitrary and unfair, the author argues that examinations provide an inadequate measure of understanding, and are a poor predictor of future success. One contributor writes positively about how his school has allowed him more freedom of choice for example, in constructing his own timetable in the sixth form.

The stories clearly relate to the concerns of the Schools Action Union — although interestingly one Oz contributor describes how she became disillusioned with the SAU when none of her friends were prepared to pursue their grievances to the point of directly confronting the school authorities. A fair amount of the writing is ironic or parodic in tone; and to some extent it is self-parodic as well. One double page spread describes the impending environmental apocalypse; another superimposes a quotation from Richard Nixon over images of the four students massacred by the US National Guard at Kent State University.

In some cases, this is somewhat disturbing. On one level, this might be seen as a kind of parody of soft pornography, yet it also raises difficult questions about who it is for. With what we know today about the prevalence of paedophiles in the popular culture during this period, this is certainly troubling; although it might be more reasonable to see it as merely another instance of the unthinking sexism of the male-dominated counter-culture of the time.

There are different viewpoints and experiences represented, and some of the material does seem to reflect the authentic concerns of schoolchildren. Both in the magazine, and especially in the trial that followed, ideas of childhood and childishness are being invoked for a wide range of purposes — to promote subversion and rebellion, but also to sanction forms of sexism and elitism that were characteristic of the counter-culture more broadly. Even though he had played very little part in the production of Schoolkids Oz , the trial represented a golden opportunity for Neville to strut his stuff on the national media stage.

Unlike the other defendants, he chose to defend himself, thereby enjoying maximum time to make his case — and maximum publicity. The editors had prepared an extensive press kit; special T-shirts in five different designs were sold, and stickers including some featuring the priapic Rupert were plastered over the London tubes; there were numerous benefit concerts, and John Lennon and Yoko Ono released a single to raise support. The trial was a media circus, in which Neville was without doubt the star performer.

Much of the sexually explicit content is presented in a parodic, humorous way, and some of it seems intended to produce disgust rather than arousal. However, police spokesmen at the time were inclined to exonerate mainstream pornography, arguing that this was something that had existed for centuries. One explanation for the police strategy emerged only several years later.

The implicit assumption throughout the prosecution was that sex was a filthy business, which should be kept behind closed doors and in the marital bedroom, and should not be spoken about in public — especially not in front of children. Several of the expert witnesses called for the defence were questioned about their own sexual activities, and in some cases how they would talk about such matters with their own children.