Guide LIBRO LXXXII DE POESÍAS ANDALUZAS (POESÍA ANDALUZA ACTUAL nº 82) (Spanish Edition)

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Statistical analysis argues for the accuracy of the figures of hours recorded. Close study of the inscriptions demonstrates that all references, whether to points in time or durations are records of times of death. Such inscriptions were set up from the first-sixth centuries CE and were most prevalent in Rome, Italy, and North Africa. Among both pagans and Christians these times allow for the casting of horoscopes of the afterlife.

The individual hours would have been associated with signs of the Zodiac, gods of the Pantheon, or the Apostles. The hours recorded also indicate the tutelar who would watch over the deceased in the afterlife. This practice develops in the late Republic as Rome encounters Hellenistic ideas of astrology and time measurement. Keywords Roman; inscriptions; epigraphy; Latin; epitaphs; hours; time measurement; death; astrology; horoscopes; Zodiac; Pantheon; Apostles; tutelars; iii … horologium in medio, ut quisquis horas inspiciet, velit nolit, nomen meum legat.

Greene, who began advising me even before officially beginning her tenure here at The University of Western Ontario UWO and who has aided me immensely in lending my work focus, flow, and order. As well, I owe a debt of gratitude to Martin Beckmann, in whose Latin Epigraphy seminar in the fall semester of I first encountered epitaphs that recorded hours and who suggested that my seminar paper on the topic might merit further development in future.

I am also grateful to Alexander Meyer and to Daniel Antchipalovski for advising me, respectively, on points of epigraphic and statistical import. In addition, I was fortunate to have numerous opportunities, at conferences or otherwise, to discuss aspects of my research with various scholars; in particular, I wish to thank John Bodel, Guy Chamberland, Christer Bruun, Jonathan Edmondson, Walter Scheidel, and Richard Talbert. Furthermore, none of my conference travel would have been possible without the generous assistance of the Department of Classical Studies Discretionary Fund, the Western Graduate Thesis Research Fund, and the Office of the Dean of Arts and Humanities.

I wish to thank the faculty and staff of the Department of Classical Studies, firstly, for answering my myriad questions — whether technical, stylistic, methodological, or administrative — and for offering advice on all aspects of this work; moreover, for mentoring me these past six years and providing me with the training necessary to reach this stage of my academic career; and most crucially, for their patience and support.

Likewise, I am thankful for the support of my peers, and for the advice offered by those among them who had written theses of their own, especially in regards to how I might approach such a task. Finally, I offer my thanks to my family for encouraging me, for trusting in me, and for allowing me to falter and start anew as I have progressed along the circumambulatory path that has brought me to this point.

Piedimonte Matese. Monumenti funerari di militari nella Cisalpina romana. Le iscrizioni greche e latine conservate nel FriuliVenezia Giulia ma non pertinenti ai centri antichi della regione. Berlin: G. Berlin: Weidmann. Opuscula Romana 4. Udine: Deputazione di storia patria per il Friuli. Guida all'esposizione, Como. Repertorio delle iscrizioni latine. Bonn: Habelt. XII: Le iscrizioni lapidarie greche e latine delle isole eolie.

Palermo: Mario Grispo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. The work grew out of a briefer study concerning issues of accuracy and precision in Roman epitaphs, with specific reference to those that record hours. The juxtaposition of demonstrably inaccurate or uncertain ages with precise figures of time is jarring, but even in cases where the ages appear accurate, the idea of recording such fine units of time seems to modern sensibilities to counter the somber tone expected in a funerary context. Hence, the practice seems to warrant outright dismissal, rather than studied consideration.

Indeed, as the Literature Review will show, prior scholarship, while cognizant of these inscriptions, has all but written them off as a curiosity. Bearing all this in mind, the goal of the present investigation is to approach such epitaphs objectively in order to evaluate them on their merits. The structure of this thesis is tripartite, each chapter advancing an argument that is to be taken up and expanded upon by the next. Chapter 1 explains the function of horae in sepulchral inscriptions; Chapter 2 accounts for their recording by pagans; Chapter 3 does likewise for Christians.

The evidence of these chapters offers an overview of a practice from classical antiquity previously unidentified. The first task of Chapter 1 is to establish a typology of inscriptions recording horae, from which analysis can proceed. Then, it addresses the issues of who set up these inscriptions, when they did so, and where these inscriptions come from.

Much consideration is given to the matter of statistical anomalies, as these serve to explain whether the figures of hours recorded are accurate or conjectural or specifically chosen. Through selected case studies it is shown that horae are records of times of death. By way of addressing this problem, the chapter opens with an overview of time awareness in the late Republic and early Empire, so as to elucidate both the extent to which those recording would have been able to know the time, as well as to identify the contexts in which such data would have been pertinent, with an eye towards major lifecycle events.

By casting death not as the termination of life, but as a rebirth into the afterlife the connotations of the horae recorded are transformed. The horae are then interpreted in light of astrological models related to time and birth. Chapter 3 continues the analysis of Chapter 2, though the thread of discussion shifts both temporally and religiously, as the focus here is on Christian motivations for recording horae.

The idea of syncretism is explored, with specific reference to Christian adoptions and adaptations of pre-existing systems of time indication. As systems of time and astrology were closely linked, the engagement of Christianity with astrology and the extent to which the two were integrated is discussed. Ultimately, the recording of horae in the Christian period is shown to be an extension of the practice that had developed in the pagan period, albeit with new Christianized meaning. By bridging previously unlinked aspects of daily life in classical antiquity, the recording of horae in epitaphs is shown to be a product of concurrent developments in time awareness, astrological practice, and the epigraphic habit, functioning as the basis for horoscopes of the afterlife.

While at first these have pagan associations, in time Christian tropes usurp these roles. Prior scholarship has neglected these inscriptions and 3 in so doing has failed to identify a longstanding and widespread commemorative practice. A Note on Translations All translations are by the author unless otherwise indicated. A Note on the Maps The maps Figure 1 and Figure 2 are intended more as a general visualization than as a perfectly accurate representation of the inscriptions collected in the working corpus.

Inscriptions of unknown or indeterminable provenance accounting for approx. As the provenances recorded in corpora of inscriptions may themselves be inaccurate, it is not possible to record all the inscriptions with absolute geographic accuracy. While recording the numbers of inscriptions in areas of nucleation, rather than representing each inscription with a dot would allow for greater geographic accuracy, the use of markers for individual inscriptions allows for a better visualization of quantities.

As the concentration of inscriptions recording horae relative to all the inscriptions in a region is the more important metric than the raw numbers, the shading is the more crucial aspect of these maps, and hence its accuracy the more paramount concern. Indeed, references to horae in any context have fared poorly in academic discourse.

However, like many of his contemporaries in late 19th century Germany, Bilfinger is overly concerned with collecting and taxonomizing his evidence but gives little thought to understanding the 1 motivations for recording such information. Whereas Bilfinger seeks primarily to qualify the material, i. Despite being noted by scholars briefly in overviews of tituli sacri, references to horae are generally dismissed as mere curiosities and mentioned only in passing. Slightly more in-depth is Calabi Limentani-Degrassi, offering again that figures of years in durations of life can be followed by figures of months, days, and hours.

Figure 4 — and that such commemoration is more common in late antiquity and among Christians. While there is no explicit reason given for the inclusion of hours, an attempt is made to situate it within the context of prevailing commemorative practices. Almar analyzes an inscription CIL 06, which gives a rough time of death, but he gives no thought to this detail in his commentary, simply noting that the deceased passed at night.

Somewhat more consideration seems to be given to them when considering Greek practices of age recording. Kajanto, in discussing Latin influences apparent in the Greek epitaphs of the city of Rome, highlights precision as a characteristically Latin quality, citing that Greek epitaphs generally include only years, while Latin epitaphs can 6 7 go so far as including hours. Ultimately, he concludes that this was a Roman practice.

This sentiment is shared by Rutgers who arrives at a similar conclusion from his analysis 3 4 5 6 7 Sandys Calabi Limentani-Degrassi Almar Kajanto a McLean, in his guide to Greek epigraphy in the Hellensitic and Roman periods, acknowledges the inclusion of figures of hours in 9 epitaphs, but does so solely in reference to commemorations of children. This, as will be shown, was most certainly not the case cf. Figure 4. Their prevalence in the archaeological record, however, attests to the fact that their inclusion was an accepted practice.

As such, these inscriptions are long overdue for scholarly analysis and this work is intended to shed light on a previously overlooked, yet widespread commemorative practice from classical antiquity. In determining the motiviations for the erection of these epitaphs, the work of several scholars will be instrumental in describing tropes of Roman daily life. While the interpretations advanced will by necessity have a grounding in the work of other scholars and in the evidence from antiquity, the models and principles discussed have never been associated with the funerary recording of hours.

McLean These references appear primarily in the form of an order of magnitude in the progression of units quantifying durations of life, but they are not limited to this usage. This first chapter represents a comprehensive effort to collect, classify, and account for all instances of this epigraphic practice; to trace its geographic and temporal distribution; to analyze the dataset of inscriptions for statistical patterns and anomalies; and to determine the function that such references serve. At conflict here are the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the data presented in these inscriptions.

The issue of why such information would be recorded, if not for its accuracy, is an important one, and alternate motivations for including such information will be considered. The second and third chapters will situate these inscriptions in a broader context, commenting upon Roman methods of measuring and recording time and the awareness by the populace of the time of day on a daily basis, and, ultimately, providing the reasons for recording hours, with specific attention given to the differing motivations of pagans and Christians.

Scope, Methodology, and Limitations The scope of this study is intended to encompass all Latin funerary inscriptions that make reference to horae, regardless of the contexts of these references within the 8 inscriptions. Notably, this overlooks a substantial portion of surviving Roman inscriptions, namely, those in Greek. The most basic way to account for the appearance of this practice in Greek 14 epitaphs is to view it as an adoption of a Latin custom by Greek-speakers.

Yet, Kajanto suggests that Latin speakers, or, at the very least, those who were bilingual, may have 15 chosen to set their epitaphs in Greek to lend them an aura of prestige. As this database is by no means a comprehensive collection of all published Greek inscriptions and as it displays a heavy bias towards the inscriptions of Classical Greece, there are doubtless many more Greek inscriptions of this type to be amassed.

Further study of these Greek inscriptions is warranted, but it is outside the scope of the present study. He also cites the fact that the practice does not appear in the Punic epigraphic record until after the Romans take control of Carthage. Nor is he the only one to ascribe a distinct Roman quality to the practice, as Kajanto a also presents this view. This figure considered in tandem with the numbers of Latin and Greek epitaphs that record hours show that age recording did not achieve the same prominence among Greek speakers that it held among Latin speakers.

Kajanto a gives figures for the number of Greek inscriptions that record ages. As for those few instances where Greek speakers did adopt the Latin custom, Galvao-Sobrinho identifies the desire to look Roman as a driving force in epigraphic practice during the Principate. Thus, it is possible that Greek speakers, feeling a disconnect from the prevailing culture and wishing to appear more staunchly Roman, may have borrowed the practice. It can be noted — not without some irony — that both Latin cf. The inscriptions were returned by the 17 database on the basis of two searches for the strings hora and horis.

Misspellings were The searches yielded unique Those five inscriptions that have been identified as forgeries have been removed from the dataset cf. Appendix I , yielding a final count of The readings of the inscriptions herein are as returned by the EDCS, albeit with some minor editorial modifications; there can at times be disagreement with the printed 21 volumes of the corpora from which they are drawn.

Other, less comprehensive databases were also consulted in the hopes of finding additional inscriptions that the EDCS might have missed, but to no avail. The remainder consisted of numerous tombstones belonging to men named Horatius and women named Horatia, as well as those belonging to men who had held the position of choragus; plentiful references to amphorae; various other less-common words containing the string hora; and non-funerary inscriptions referencing hours.

The second search, performed on August 8, , returned results, of which were grave markers of the types desired. This search added references to hours made using the dative and ablative plural forms horis to the collection of inscriptions featuring the forms hora, horae, horam, horarum, and horas, as provided by the earlier search.

Appendix VI and Appendix VII for a full listing of all inscriptions consulted and the corpora in which they are published. This latter category can be subdivided into those inscriptions that are fragmentary and those that are unclassifiable and may, in certain cases, have been spuriously interpreted as references to horae or been designated as grave markers on only the most tenuous of bases.

Nevertheless, these problematic inscriptions are of use insofar as they can give a broader impression of the prevalence of the practice of recording horae and its geographic distribution. They will, however, be omitted from some of the analyses to follow, for in certain cases, while the category of inscription is discernible, the fragmentary nature of the inscription may preclude further investigation; for, e. There are fifty-nine of these unclassifiable or otherwise unusable inscriptions, thereby limiting the size of the working corpus to Similarly, the working dataset will also be affected by inscriptions which fall into multiple categories, such as those giving a duration in terms of hours as well as the specific time of an event, or, say, listing two durations in terms of hours.

Although there are inscriptions, they record references to horae. Typology The inscriptions have been divided into three main categories, according to the way in which horae are referenced. Those that use horae in a literary manner form the first class; those that use horae in measures of durations form the second; and those that 11 22 employ horae to indicate specific points in time form the third. Literary and Poetic Uses The first category comprises all linguistic usages with no numerical significance. Fifty-four inscriptions fall into this category. Four inscriptions form a subset of this category.

These provide an indication of the use of formulaic phrasing in reference to the hour of death. The first indicates that the times of birth and death would have been the same. Born at Athens, he, who released his breath at the same hour at which he was born, lived three years, seven months. That this information was inscribed attests to the fact that some importance was attached 23 to this coincidence. Yet, stronger relations also merit mention: 22 A fourth minor class could be said to include all those inscriptions from non-funerary contexts that refer to horae.

Though such inscriptions are not included in the figures herein, sepulchral inscriptions recording horae outnumber non-sepulchral examples in the epigraphic record by a ratio of about These too, for the most part, adhere to a simple taxonomy. Most common are those inscriptions that record the times at which travelling venerators of the Colossi of Memnon statues of Amenhotep III at Thebes heard the divine presence cf.

Bernand-Bernand Inscriptions of this type, however, are peculiar to the one site. The most widespread type are those inscriptions that would have accompanied horologia. The other relatively common non-funerary context for references to horae are decrees and announcements. Laws can feature information as to tasks that must be carried out at certain hours, and announcements that contain, e. All of these categories are paralleled in the Greek epigraphic record of the Roman Empire. It is not simply the hour of birth and death that are the same, but the day as well. In this case, owing to the three months and twenty-four days in the lifespan, die likely refers to the day of the week on which Petronius was born, rather than to the date of birth itself.

He lived thirteen years — [he,] who died on his birthday at the hour at which he was born. The odds that someone would die on the same day of the week they were born are 1 in 7 and the odds that they would die at the hour of their birth are 1 in 24; the odds of both these event happening is 1 in Yet, these few inscriptions show that this was seen as a significant occurrence, which may indicate that it was singled out for commemoration, as it demonstrated a 24 continuity between the moment of birth and the moment of death.

I lived sixteen years, nine months and the same number of days and eight hours. I was born at the same hour of the night I returned to the Fates. He then states that he was born at the very same eighth hour of the night that he had returned to the Fates fui natus noctis ego hora idem octava fatis reddidi.

Note that the figure of eight hours in his lifespan serves not simply as a figure in this duration, but that it also serves a secondary role indicating the hour of his death. This is a crucial point, for it sets a precedent for the way in which hours listed in durations can be interpreted in other inscriptions.

Albeit with slight variations, the general formula is the phrase hora qua natus est following a verb of dying. This demonstrates that significance was 25 attached to noting the hour of death. Durations Reckonings of durations are by far the most common context in which horae appear in sepulchral inscriptions. They take the form of iterations of units, progressing from longest to shortest.

When the value of a unit is zero, it is omitted. The standard progression will move from years to months to days to hours. Exceptions do arise and 26 other units are sometimes employed. There are durations that clearly include hours coming from inscriptions. Their distribution is as follows: seven-hundred and sixteen lifespans, e. Twenty-three lengths of marriages, e. He lived three years, six months, twenty-one days, one hour after his reverent mother, Fabia Fortunata, [passed].

Here he lies 27 And one length of military service. Points in Time A total of seventy-four points in time are recorded in sixty-three epitaphs. Most common are times of death, appearing on forty-seven grave markers, e. He died the fifth day before the Kalends of September at the fifth hour. Eleven are times of birth, e. And seven record other events, such as burials, e. He died the fourth day before the Kalends of July at the tenth hour.

He was borne out at the third hour by a great crowd. She returned [to the earth] the day before the Nones of January at the fourth hour of the day. Perhaps the V in vespertina is actually part of the N from secunda. As Chapter 2 will demonstrate, the combination of a reference to the second hour and a reference to the evening is illogical. The former could easily have been measured by means of a sundial; anyone stubbornly trying to measure the latter in the same manner would run into difficulty — some alternate means would have been needed to measure nocturnal hours.

As the length of the daytime hours increased from the winter to the summer solstice, the nighttime hours would decrease at a corresponding rate. Likewise, as the former decreased from the summer solstice back to the winter solstice, the latter would increase at a corresponding rate. Only at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes would the days and nights feature hours of uniform length. The simplest tool to measure the hours of the night would be a water clock, but care would have to be taken to ensure that it was properly calibrated for hours of the correct length each night.

This is all well and good for separate systems of measurement during sunlight and moonlight, but this method falters when time is reckoned according to the nychthemeron, such as in our modern hour system. A nychthemeron dispenses with separate diurnal and nocturnal cycles and works on a circadian cycle based on the principle of a unit of fixed length. Some points become arbitrary — thus noon is no longer high noon with the sun at its zenith, nor midnight the midpoint between sunrise and sunset — but standardization creates normalcies of a different sort.

References to deaths at the 13th through 24th hours hint at the use of a nychthemeral system. Grammatical Cases Distinction must be made when studying these inscriptions between the different syntactical ways of expressing time in Latin. The accusative may be used to express durations of time; the ablative may be used to express either specific points in time time 18 when or ranges of time time within which. Sandys notes that annis is often found in epitaphs followed by an ungrammatical menses or dies.

Conversely, inscriptions will shift oftentimes from the accusative for figures of 30 years, months, and days to the ablative for figures of hours. In these cases the four terms are written in succession without interruption by other qualifiers, such as participles like defunctus, which would indicate that a shift is being made from the duration to a record of a point in time.

It is incumbent upon the reader to recognize that this qualitative change in the nature of the information inscribed has occurred. These figures in the ablative could very well serve a dual purpose, being references to the time of death on the basis of their case and parts of the durations on grounds of proximity to the other figures within the inscriptions. Geographic Distribution The inscriptions come from twenty-two different regions of the Roman Empire cf.

Figure 1 and Figure 2. There is a strong bias towards the Western provinces, likely because Greek was the lingua franca in the East. The distribution by province can be seen 31 in Appendix II. The main pattern of the distribution is as follows: a concentrated center 29 Sandys Compared to the Latin dataset, this demonstrates a marked increase in the number of inscriptions coming from the Eastern half of the empire.

However, it is not enough simply to compare the tally of inscriptions from one province to the tally of inscriptions from another. Owing to differing rates of inscription survival, it pays to consider how common epitaphs recording horae are relative to all the documented inscriptions from a certain province cf.

Appendix II. By this means of measurement, inscriptions recording horae are most common in the archaeological records of the city of Rome, and the provinces of Africa Proconsularis and Mauretania Caesariensis, comprising just below 0. The Tyrrhenian side of Italy ranks next with figures nearer 0. Figures in the European provinces are closer to 0. Thus, western Italy and North-Western Africa remain the areas of greatest prevalence, and the high proportion of the sample coming from Rome is brought into perspective, its prominence diminished relative to the hundred-thousand-plus known inscriptions from the city.

The inscriptions with known provenances come from sites within the twenty-two regions, with six inscriptions coming from unknown locations cf. Appendix 32 III. Ninety-eight come from sites Four inscriptions are of known province but unknown city; two are of unknown province. For the most part, the geographic distribution of the dataset reflects the general distribution of inscriptions in the archaeological record. In Italy, Campania has traditionally yielded the most epigraphic material and Lucania the least; in Africa, the scale runs from Africa Proconsularis down to Mauritania Tingitana; in parts of Europe e.

Aquitania, Lugdunensis, and Belgica the practice of setting up inscriptions does not seem to have enjoyed the same popularity as elsewhere. Ultimately, the provincial concentrations are likely more accurate than the urban distribution,36 for provenances nearest modern community or to the location of the institution at which the stone was catalogued.

Galvao-Sobrinho also notes the way in which military outposts aid in the spread of epigraphic practices. It is also possible that the rate of inscription survival in a large city was so poor as to yield a lower number of stones in the archaeological record than a much smaller settlement Duncan-Jones Those setting up these inscriptions were not part of a representative sample of the Roman population; rather, they were a select group adhering to certain commemorative practices. Hopkins notes that such a bias is created by the group of those Romans who set up tombstones and that it cannot be corrected to provide an accurate demographic picture, for there is no information on those not represented.

Bodel ; 46 advises being mindful of the distinction between those who commemorated and the full demographic structure of Roman society. Further, that cultural motivations should be considered alongside the more commonly cited geographic and temporal factors in discussing commemorative practice. Duncan-Jones presents the view that as nearly all African epitaphs record ages, they provide a good basis for a model of the ages of those able to afford tombstones.

Keppie points out that the poor would have resorted to wooden grave markers with painted inscriptions. This figure is the average of the Latin and Greek samples, epitaphs accounting for about three-quarters of the former and half of the latter. He also explains that while the idea of reusing a tombstone seems shocking by modern sensibilities, this was not always the case. Furthermore, that graveyards even now can disappear after several generations, once all who had connections to those interred have themselves passed on.

In terms of Christian cemeteries, most of those on the surface have been lost or destroyed, but those beneath the ground have yielded the bulk of surviving sepulchral inscriptions Galvao-Sobrinho ; n. Bodel refers to the Roman rather than Latin epigraphic habit citing similar patterns in the production of inscriptions in the Greek East and Latin West. A common feature might be a more accurate description. Jewish funerary inscriptions that provide such information are very rare and the few that do so record the ages in Latin or Greek, rather than Hebrew or Aramaic.

The earlier examples come from the city of Rome and it takes several centuries for the practice to make its way back to the East. On the whole, age recording is foreign to the Ancient Near-East. It was brought to Arabia and Syria by the military and not until the late fourth century do indigenous examples appear in the epigraphic record. The Etruscans, too, did not record ages until after their conquest by the Romans. Likewise, in Punic inscriptions at Carthage there is no evidence for age recording; however, in Neo-Punic inscriptions there is.

Rutgers also considers why the Jews would have adopted this Roman practice. He lists a number of possibilities, most of which argue for some form of copying Roman traditions, either by choice e. Nordberg also expresses few qualms about his dataset, though he does latch on to the untenable view that various inaccuracies and deficiencies in his data can cancel out one another to yield sound results. It will suffice to note that the sample does include tombs both commemorating 53 and set up by soldiers, slaves, freedmen, plebeians, and equestrians; pagans and Christians; men and women; the very young and the very old.

Any detailed conclusions drawn on the sparse evidence would be highly speculative. Further, he is right to say that too much attention 55 is given to the data and too little to the society that accounts for the data. The latter is 56 the greater concern in the present work. Salmon and Hopkins ; are of a like mind in finding serious flaws in the evidence provided by tombstones that must be addressed, while Parkin sees tombstones as an unsuitable basis for demographic models.

Scheidel identifies a number of problems that arise from using records such as epitaphs as the sole basis for models of the Roman population, either when taken en masse for the empire as whole, or when studied on a more local scale, such as a single cemetery.

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He concludes that factors of geomorphology, climate, epidemiology, and ecology can all contribute to more accurate demographic models Though the present sample is more than double that size, its wide scope lessens the validity of any results there are to be gleaned, as compared with a more focused sample — say, several hundred confidently-dated graves from a single cemetery that was used over several decades.

Rutgers concurs with this assessment. Hopkins Rather than lavishing attention on the minutiae of who set up inscriptions with hours, in Chapters 2 and 3 the focus will be on the motivations of two major commemorating groups, the pagans and the Christians. As the epigraphic corpus is a function of both commemorative practices and rates of inscription survival, recovery, and publication, conclusions cannot be drawn from this corpus if they depend on the assumption that the corpus is a representative sample of Roman society.

It is necessary to acknowledge the inherent bias in the sample in terms of those commemorated and commemorating. Nonetheless, certain statistical norms should remain constant regardless of any adequate representation of Roman society in the sample. Deviations from these norms should arouse attention both in complete, representative samples and in incomplete, biased samples. These norms serve as a check on the validity of the sample and the adherence of the data to them is a prerequisite for demographic analysis, for aberrances undermine any models proposed.

Analysis of commemorative practice differs in its goals from demographic analysis; there is no requirement — convenient though it would be — that commemoration preserve the demographic structure of a society with some measure of accuracy. While statistical anomalies are indicative of unsound demographics, they should for no reason be taken as a sign of unsound evidence for commemorative practices. An ideal random sample should be statistically normal, and likewise, a selection from a random sample ideally should display the characteristics of the original sample.

The presence of anomalous statistical patterns is every bit as significant as the presence of non-deviant 28 statistical patterns. Thus, a commemorative approach is granted more leeway than a demographic approach, for the former seeks to study only those commemorated or commemorating, whereas the latter seeks to interpolate amongst its fragmentary sample the remainder of society even though the sample cannot yield this information. Pagan and Christian Inscriptions Chapters 2 and 3 will argue that the practice of recording horae in epitaphs, though pagan Roman in origin, was appropriated by the growing Christian community in the Roman empire and imbued with new religious significance.

Given the different motivations for including such information in the two religious groups, delineating which subset of the working corpus comprises the pagan epitaphs and which subset comprises 57 the Christian appears crucial. While I agree with this sentiment, my assent is contingent 58 on being able to categorize the inscriptions with confidence. Aside from obvious indicators, such as distinctly Christian names or iconography, such as a cross or a Chi-Rho, several other trends have been identified.

Keppie , notes that Christian epitaphs are very often dated, are simple in form, make an effort to record the duration of life with precision, and can measure lifespan not from birth, but from baptism in the case of neophytes. Nordberg offers that familial relationships, such as marriages, receive greater attention in Christian epitaphs. There are dangers in categorizing these inscriptions on the basis of too little evidence or in making broad generalizations.

The inscriptions of the undifferentiated sample, though exhibiting similarities in form, would have been set up for different reasons. Thus, for instance, declaring all inscriptions in which the commemorated has but a single name to be graves of Christians could inadvertently misclassify pagan inscriptions and could lead to skewed results on the basis of faulty data.

However, as the evidence will not allow for a more conclusive result than confirming that indeed both Christian and pagans did commemorate in this manner, without giving a sense of the relative sizes of the samples, there is no need to sort the inscriptions along these lines; the exercise would provide no more information than what is already known. The knowledge that both pagan and Christian epitaphs are present in 59 Contrary to n. On the other hand, Galvao-Sobrinho and n. The exact number of inscriptions in each category will be irrelevant for the discussion.

Temporal Distribution Securely Datable Inscriptions There are twenty inscriptions in the collection that contain imperial titulature or that explicitly reference consular, regnal, or provincial years, or years measured from some other epoch cf. Appendix IV. Three of these feature literary or poetic usages of horae, seven have durations, and the remaining ten include specific times. Titus Flavius Bassus is more of a problem. The only attested person of that name is a soldier of the Alae Noricum whose name is recorded on CIL 13, , his gravestone.

There are a number of consuls with Titus Flavius in their names three of whom would go on to become the emperors Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian but all of them served after the Lucii Arruntii by a range of about a decade to over four centuries. Thus, to which of these dates the inscription refers remains uncertain. Degrassi , , places the pair of them in the second century CE, though no reason is given for this. Mauretania Caesariensis became a province of the empire in 40 CE.

One must simply add two-hundred and sixty years. This should come as no surprise, for, in essence, this practice signifies a perfectly standard use of the noun hora. Durations 1. The eighth day before the Ides of May in the second year of his reign would have been May 8th, CE. Clinton provides the date.

The titulature dates to CE Kienast The consuls here, Flavius 32 6. CIL 06, CE 70 Roma These seven inscriptions cover a span of approximately two-hundred-and-fifty years, 71 starting in the Antonine Period and continuing through to the Theodosian Period. The earliest two come from the city of Rome, while the later four are distributed amongst Africa and Europe.

While this is by no means sufficient data to show conclusively that this practice originated in Rome and was later adopted in the provinces, it is enough to impress the notion upon the mind. Points in Time 1. Their sixth and second consulships, respectively, place this inscription in CE Bagnall et al. Numidia split from Africa Proconsularis in CE.

However, in the Western empire in CE Honorius was recorded without a second consul Bagnall et al. Degrassi , 12 reconstructs these positions with similar names, though A. Gabinius Secundus would fit. The deceased is commemorated as an aedile 33 73 2. AE , Africa proconsularis CE 3.

On this reasoning, 29 CE can be dismissed as a possibility for his birth, for he was no child at his death. Similarly, were he to have been born in 6 CE, he could not have died an aedile in 35 CE; dying on his thirty-ninth birthday in 43 CE, however, he could well have been one. Likewise, if he were to have been born in 36 BCE, either date could work for his death, though it would leave one to wonder why he never progressed through the cursus.

Seeing as thirty-nine was the minimum age for a praetor, dying on his thirty-ninth birthday would be a logical explanation for this cessation of political advancement, and so the dates of CE seem the best fit. The partially reconstructed year is given as the two-hundred-and-seventy-first of the province.

The uncertain reference to the consuls could indicate that consuls for the next year had not been chosen or that this was the closest consular year the dedicator could remember. If everything is taken in reference to one year, then secundo is a reference to F. Degrassi notes that the year CE was recorded as post consulatum Stilichionis II, but this would fail to account for the gap in the inscription and the abbreviation CC indicating multiple consuls. However, in that case, there would be no space left in the inscription in which to interpolate the name of the second consul.

If secundo is part of a second consular year, then the best options — limited by the fact that this is the grave of a child — are the second consulships of F. IHC Hispania citerior CE 81 The last two inscriptions here seem more indicative of imitations in the style of earlier Roman antecedents than evidence of an unbroken Latin epigraphic habit lasting from the early days of the Principate through the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the rise and fall of the Umayyid Caliphate, and into Reconquista Spain.

Thus, the first eight inscriptions can be understood to making that statement a bit less definite, but not flimsy demonstrate a continuous tradition extending at the very least from the mid-first century CE to the early sixth century CE. The reconstructed age at death is five years and the death occurs in August. If the counting here is ab urbe condita, then the date is CE. However, the TLL s. IHC ad loc. This would indicate an error in the IHC where the L from the year was omitted in the calculation. The fact that IHC cf.

Both this inscription and the previous one come from the site of Oviedo. Differences in palaeography, orthography, linguistic formulae, and numeral forms are just some of the means of dating that can be used, but all too often these indicators are evident only of broad trends and do not suggest narrow ranges of time. Owing to the great investment of time required to undertake a thorough analysis of nine-hundred inscriptions in this manner — with no guarantee to yield a return of any substantial value — it was deemed prudent not to attempt such an endeavor.

Furthermore, palaeography should not be used with the intention of arriving at specific dates, but rather it is most effective in establishing termini post et ante quos. Bodel also downplays the utility of palaeographic dating, providing formulaic phrasing and onomastic practices as more viable alternatives.

Usual dating criteria of formulae, palaeography, onomastic, iconography, ornamentation, etc. Salmon ; Duncan-Jones n. Duncan-Jones himself demonstrates the inadequacy of such dating methods, arriving at nothing more than a series of half-a-dozen termini post et ante quos in a study of prices in Roman inscriptions. That is not to say that the approach taken when considering these epitaphs will be fully synchronic; rather, that for present purposes, i.

The evidence shows that such 86 inscriptions were set up both by pagans and by Christians. Furthermore, the general epigraphic habit indicates that the vast majority of inscriptions before Constantine are 87 pagan, whereas the vast majority thereafter are Christian. As Chapters 2 and 3 will demonstrate, pagans and Christians had different motivations for recording hours on their tombstones. Though the Christians adopted a pagan practice, they attached to it connotations of salvation and resurrection. Thus, the main distinction is between Christian and non-Christian inscriptions.

As such, it is enough to note that pagans primarily in the period of the first-early fourth centuries CE recorded hours for one reason, whereas Christians in the late fourth-sixth centuries CE recorded hours for another reason. Although the fourth century is most common among the dated examples, this is not reason enough to infer that the recording of hours peaked at that time; a sample of twenty inscriptions is hardly representative. The recording of years was common as of the second century; the recording of months and days as of the third.

As the crucial divide in the dataset is between Christian and non-Christian epitaphs, the question of when Christianity comes to prominence is important. The key to answering this question, according to Galvao-Sobrinho, is determining when the adoption of Christian practices by average Romans becomes more the rule than a series of isolated cases. He places the transition later than most about half a century after Constantine , allowing time for the newly legalized practice to gain followers.

The epigraphic record reflects this with a delay of a decade or two, for it is not until the converts die that their epitaphs can be set up. Precision With some exceptions,93 indicating precisely how long someone lived or exactly when they died has generally been identified with Christian practice and, hence, is thought to be a later tradition.

In the later periods, the epigraphic record shows evidence that the ancients were somewhat cognizant of this paradox, and made more of an effort, through the use of phrases such as plus minus, to record their own doubts as to the validity of the figures they inscribed. This group of burials marks one of few pre-Christian examples that place great attention on when someone died.

His claims, however, that the figures with plus minus are more accurate; that plus minus with years alone refers to a rounded age, but that with several units of time it refers to the most precise; and that figures were first rounded in the early fourth century, prompting the development of the phrase plus minus, are all highly debatable. Multiples of three are not convenient figures for rounding when using Roman numerals; hence this is not evidence of rounding, but rather an indication of digit preference. Digit preference can occur when a society assigns positive connotations to certain 40 numbers.

Here, the digit preference corresponds to the overlap of two systems of referring to time that were in use concurrently. This will be discussed more thoroughly in Chapters 2 and 3. Extremely High Values Extremely high values for hours do show up in the dataset. These values can be divided into two groups: those from thirteen to twenty-four and those in excess of twenty98 four.

There are eight durations and one point in time that fall into the first group. All of these values are perfectly valid when working within the constraints of a twenty-four hour day. Provided they do not occur in conjunction with references to hours of the night or hours of the day which they do not then there is nothing extraordinary about them. The most that can be said about them is that they are far, far rarer in the sample than references based on separate nocturnal and diurnal cycles of hours.

The values above twenty-four, however, are more interesting, for they are in excess of the number of subdivisions of time that hours are required to measure and they could be expressed by the use of a larger unit, such as the day. Point in time: CIL 06, a. This practice is not exclusive to the figures of hours. Twenty-two durations in the sample feature quantities of days exceeding the length of a month. Dailochus, who lived thirty-five years, eight months, twenty-two days, fifty hours.

The wife made this for a well-deserving [husband]. The reading LEL could be based on erosion of the stone mistaken for carving, but without an image of the inscription it is impossible to make that claim with certainty. The spelling in the inscription is quite poor and reflects a particular dialect, as forms such as messibus and zebus attest. These are two of the most common errors in inscriptions of this type, along with bixit for vixit. While there are several Vs in the inscription, including in the numerals, it is nonetheless plausible that one might accidentally have been written as a B.

Here he lies. Similarly, three inscriptions in the set record figures between twelve and sixteen months while also recording figures for years. Three inscriptions contain exceedingly high figures for years: one looks like an attempt to stress the longevity of the deceased; hundred years; one gives an age of just over one and the contrast between sheer longevity and finite measurement is so ICUR, ; CIL 06, ; CIL 08, ICUR, Pius, the father to his daughter. IV to a most fortunate man, who lived ninety-nine years, eleven months, twenty-eight days, eleven hours.

His heirs made this. The age of the deceased in this inscription is given as ninety-nine years, eleven months, twenty-eight days, and eleven hours, almost the longest possible way to write out what is essentially one hundred years. In this context, a solitary C seems as though it simply would not do justice to a century lived. It arose out of the inability of people to determine their ages accurately. The quantity to which figures are rounded depends on the number system being used.

In the Roman numeral system, numbers ending in V or X are convenient figures for rounding, whereas numbers ending in I are messier. Several theories have been advanced to account for this, the most convincing of which is the notion that numeracy and literacy are related faculties. This accounts for the existence of inscriptions N. The preponderance of ages at death in the range of years preserved in the epigraphic record of Roman North Africa is a noted phenomenon. Mallon argues that in the scriptura uncialis of the North African provinces what the stonecutters intended as Ls are often mistaken by modern eyes as Cs.

Less convincing is the idea that ages were rounded to save space on the stone, as proposed by Nordberg This seems to be a better case for truncation of ages, such as recording years, but not months or days. Consular years were the norm at Rome and in many other places and would have required either a good memory or a written record to maintain sufficient continuity for an adult trying 44 with rounded or uncertain quantities of years that nonetheless include months, days, and In such cases the inclusion of smaller units is striking, for the rounding hours.

Digit grouping is a necessary consequence of age rounding, in that the values to which people round their ages gain prominence in the sample. For the current sample, from age 25 onwards there are strong patterns of age rounding and digit grouping cf. To take this simply as an indication that people did not know their ages would be incorrect; rather people had a general sense of their ages and did make an effort to render them with some measure of accuracy, given the constraints of their educations and their systems of counting years.

Thus, ages on tombstones should not be taken as to tabulate their age. Other systems were also known, especially epochal countings. Best known of these is the system of measurement in Rome ab urbe condita, though the use of consular years was favored. In Mauretania, however, dating from the foundation of the province was common Sandys and Duncan-Jones n. Regnal years could also be used, though interregnal periods and the shifts from one reign to the next pose problems.

A long-standing tally from a far off date would have afforded the greatest continuity and would have been the most likely to facilitate accurate counting. Moreover, he argues that figures of months and days would be accurate, as people would have known their birthdays but would have lacked the means to tally their ages properly. Scheidel noted this phenomenon in Roman Egypt and Rutgers n.

As the practice of indicating uncertainty using the qualifier plus minus attests. Ages Containing Only Years and Hours Of the seven-hundred and forty-two usable durations collected, thirty-five contain only figures of years and hours — no months, no days cf. Figure 5. At first glance this seems indicative of a fair number of people expiring on their dates of birth. However, as this should only occur for every 1 in cases if leap years and intercalations are to be discounted , the working corpus exhibits the phenomenon with seventeen times expected frequency.

Most of these inscriptions are from graves of adults, and of the adults most are seniors. Thus, the hours cannot serve to add accuracy to these ages for they have already been rounded. Hence, there must be some alternate motivation for recording these more precise units of time.

Finer Units Than Hours One of the most curious observations to be made about this corpus of inscriptions Centenarians in the North African provinces are particularly troublesome. Markschies Eusebius of Caesarea and Gregoryof Nyssa are important Here - Christian Book Discounters - Docstoc. Include related documents. Include other documents by this user. It is obvious for all with eyes to observe that when God and spirituallife decreases in importance, government expands its powerful, Aisle Of Plenty.

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