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The child is seen to be at the centre of a tricky negotiation between internal, instinctual drives for gratification the pleasure principle and external, social demands that the child repress those drives in order to conform to the rules and regulations of civilization the reality principle. Failure to resolve the traumatic tensions and impasses of childhood psychosexual development results in emotional and psychological consequences throughout adulthood. For example, according to Freud the failure of a child to properly engage in or disengage from a specific stage of development results in predictable outcomes later in life.

An adult with an oral fixation may indulge in overeating or binge drinking. Psychologist Erik Erikson — created a theory of personality development based on the work of Freud. Following Freud, he noted that each stage of psychosexual child development was associated with the formation of basic emotional structures in adulthood.

The outcome of the oral stage will determine whether someone is trustful or distrustful as an adult; the outcome of the anal stage, whether they will be confident and generous or ashamed and doubtful; the outcome of the genital stage, whether they will be full of initiative or guilt.

Child-raising techniques varied in line with the dominant social formation of their societies. This tradition created trust between the infant and his or her mother, and eventually trust between the child and the tribal group as a whole. On the other hand, modern industrial societies practice early weaning of children, which leads to a more distrustful character structure. Children develop a possessive disposition toward objects that carries with them through to adulthood. The result of early weaning is that the child is eager to get things and grab hold of things in lieu of the experience of generosity and comfort in being held.

Societies like the Sioux, in which individuals rely heavily on each other and on the group to survive in a hostile environment, will handle child training in a different manner and with different outcomes than societies based on individualism, competition, self-reliance, and self-control Erikson, You might be wondering: If sociologists and psychologists are both interested in people and their behaviour, how are these two disciplines different? What do they agree on, and where do their ideas diverge? The answers are complicated, but the distinction is important to scholars in both fields.

As a general difference, we might say that while both disciplines are interested in human behaviour, psychologists are focused on how the mind influences that behaviour, while sociologists study the role of society in shaping both behaviour and the mind. Another way to think of the difference is that psychologists tend to look inward to qualities of individuals mental health, emotional processes, cognitive processing , while sociologists tend to look outward to qualities of social context social institutions, cultural norms, interactions with others to understand human behaviour.

Today, we see this same distinction. For example, a sociologist studying how a couple gets to the point of their first kiss on a date might focus her research on cultural norms for dating, social patterns of romantic activity in history, or the influence of social background on romantic partner selection. How is this process different for seniors than for teens, for example? The point that sociologists like Durkheim would make is that an analysis of individuals at the psychological level cannot adequately account for social variability of behaviours, for example, the difference in suicide rates of Catholics and Protestants, or the difference in dating scripts across cultures or historical periods.

Sometimes sociology and psychology can combine in interesting ways, however. One of the pioneering contributors to sociological perspectives on self-development was the American Charles Horton Cooley — According to Cooley, we base our image on what we think other people see We imagine how we must appear to others, then react to this speculation. We don certain clothes, prepare our hair in a particular manner, wear makeup, use cologne, and the like — all with the notion that our presentation of ourselves is going to affect how others perceive us.

We expect a certain reaction, and, if lucky, we get the one we desire and feel good about it. Cooley believed that our sense of self is not based on some internal source of individuality. Rather, we imagine how we look to others, draw conclusions based on their reactions to us, and then develop our personal sense of self. We live a mirror image of ourselves. It is based on how we imagine we appear to others. It is not how we actually appear to others but our projection of what others think or feel towards us.

This projection defines how we feel about ourselves and who we feel ourselves to be. Later, George Herbert Mead — advanced a more detailed sociological approach to the self. It is the novel, spontaneous, unpredictable part of the self: the part of the self that embodies the possibility of change or undetermined action. This flipping back and forth is the condition of our being able to be social. It is not an ability that we are born with Mead, The case of Danielle, for example, illustrates what happens when social interaction is absent from early experience: She had no ability to see herself as others would see her.

A role is the behaviour expected of a person who occupies particular social status or position in society. They cannot see themselves from the point of view of all the other players on the field or figure out their place within a rule bound sequence of activities. At another point in their life, a child becomes able to learn how to play. Mead developed a specifically sociological theory of the path of development that all people go through by focusing on the developing capacity to put oneself in the place of another, or role play : the four stages of child socialization.

During the preparatory stage , children are only capable of imitation: They have no ability to imagine how others see things. They copy the actions of people with whom they regularly interact, such as their mothers and fathers. The separation of I and me does not yet exist in an organized manner to enable the child to relate to him- or herself. This is followed by the play stage , during which children begin to imitate and take on roles that another person might have. Role play is very fluid and transitory, and children flip in and out of roles easily.

During the game stage , children learn to consider several specific roles at the same time and how those roles interact with each other. They learn to understand interactions involving different people with a variety of purposes. They understand that role play in each situation involves following a consistent set of rules and expectations. Mead uses the example of a baseball game. At one point in learning to play baseball, children do not get it that when they hit the ball they need to run, or that after their turn someone else gets a turn to bat.

They have to see the game from the perspective of others. Role play in games like baseball involves the understanding that ones own role is tied to the roles of several people simultaneously and that these roles are governed by fixed, or at least mutually recognized, rules and expectations. Finally, children develop, understand, and learn the idea of the generalized other , the common behavioural expectations of general society.

This capacity defines the conditions of thinking, of language, and of society itself as the organization of complex co-operative processes and activities. Moral development is an important part of the socialization process. Moral development prevents people from acting on unchecked urges, instead considering what is right for society and good for others.

Lawrence Kohlberg — was interested in how people learn to decide what is right and what is wrong. To understand this topic, he developed a theory of moral development that includes three levels: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. In the preconventional stage, young children, who lack a higher level of cognitive ability, experience the world around them only through their senses. The final stage, called postconventional, is when people begin to think of morality in abstract terms, such as North Americans believing that everyone has equal rights and freedoms.

At this stage, people also recognize that legality and morality do not always match up evenly Kohlberg, When hundreds of thousands of Egyptians turned out in to protest government autocracy, they were using postconventional morality. They understood that although their government was legal, it was not morally correct. Carol Gilligan b. Would female study subjects have responded differently?

Would a female social scientist notice different patterns when analyzing the research? To answer the first question, she set out to study differences between how boys and girls developed morality. Boys tend to have a justice perspective, placing emphasis on rules, laws, and individual rights. They learn to morally view the world in terms of categorization and separation. They learn to morally view the world in terms of connectedness.

Ultimately, she explained that boys are socialized for a work environment where rules make operations run smoothly, while girls are socialized for a home environment where flexibility allows for harmony in caretaking and nurturing Gilligan, , How do girls and boys learn different gender roles? Gender differences in the ways boys and girls play and interact develop from a very early age, sometimes despite the efforts of parents to raise them in a gender neutral way.

Little boys seem inevitably to enjoy running around playing with guns and projectiles, while little girls like to study the effects of different costumes on toy dolls. Peggy Orenstein describes how her two-year-old daughter happily wore her engineer outfit and took her Thomas the Tank Engine lunchbox to the first day of preschool. If gender preferences are not inborn or biologically hard-wired, how do sociologists explain them? Children learn gender through direct feedback from others, particularly when they are censured for violating gender norms. Gender is in this sense an accomplishment rather than an innate trait.

Consistency and stability do not mean that the gender roles that are learned are permanent, however, as would be suggested by a biological or hard-wired model of gender. They concluded that the younger children had not yet developed a gender schema. They also observed that the older children who could correctly classify the photos by gender demonstrated gender specific play; they tended to choose same-gender play groups and girls were less aggressive in their play. The older children were integrating their sense of self into their gender schemas and behaving accordingly.

Similarly, when they studied children at home, they found that children at age 1. However, by age 2. Parents of early adopters were more likely to use differential reinforcement in the form of positive and negative responses to gender-typed toy play. It is interesting, with respect to the difference between the Freudian and sociological models of gender socialization, that the gender schemas of young children develop with respect to external cultural signs of gender rather than biological markers of genital differences.

Sandra Bem showed young children photos of either a naked child or a child dressed in boys or girls clothing. The younger children had difficulty classifying the naked photos but could classify the clothed photos. They did not have an understanding of biological sex constancy — i. Moreover, it was the gender schema and not the recognition of anatomical differences that first determined their choice of gender-typed toys and gender-typed play groups.

Bloom asserts that we are too focused on the appearance of young girls, and as a result our society is socializing them to believe that how they look is of vital importance. Bloom may be on to something. How often do you tell a little boy how attractive his outfit is, how nice looking his shoes are, or how handsome he looks today? To support her assertions, Bloom cites, as one example, that about 50 percent of girls ages three to six worry about being fat Bloom, One solution to this type of gender socialization is being experimented with at the Egalia preschool in Sweden, where children develop in a genderless environment.

Play areas and toys are consciously set up to eliminate any reinforcement of gender expectations Haney, So what is the middle ground? Bloom suggests that we start with simple steps: When introduced to a young girl, ask about her favourite book or what she likes. In short, engage her mind not her outward appearance Bloom, Why Socialization Matters Socialization is critical both to individuals and to the societies in which they live.

It illustrates how completely intertwined human beings and their social worlds are. First, it is through teaching culture to new members that a society perpetuates itself. If new generations of a society do not learn its way of life, it ceases to exist. Whatever is distinctive about a culture must be transmitted to those who join it in order for a society to survive. For Canadian culture to continue, for example, children in Canada must learn about cultural values related to democracy: They have to learn the norms of voting, as well as how to use material objects such as a ballot.

Socialization is just as essential to us as individuals. Social interaction provides the means via which we gradually become able to see ourselves through the eyes of others, learning who we are and how we fit into the world around us. In addition, to function successfully in society, we have to learn the basics of both material and nonmaterial culture, everything from how to dress ourselves to what is suitable attire for a specific occasion; from when we sleep to what we sleep on; and from what is considered appropriate to eat for dinner to how to use the stove to prepare it.

Most importantly, we have to learn language — whether it is the dominant language or one common in a subculture, whether it is verbal or through signs — in order to communicate and to think. As we saw with Danielle, without socialization we literally have no self. We are unable to function socially. Others argue that who we are is based entirely in genetics. According to this belief, our temperaments, interests, and talents are set before birth.

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From this perspective, then, who we are depends on nature. One way that researchers attempt to prove the impact of nature is by studying twins. Some studies followed identical twins who were raised separately. The pairs shared the same genetics, but, in some cases, were socialized in different ways. For example, in , twin girls born to a mentally ill mother were put up for adoption. However, they were also separated from each other and raised in different households. The parents, and certainly the babies, did not realize they were one of five pairs of twins who were made subjects of a scientific study Flam, In , the two women, by then age 35, were reunited.

Elyse Schein and Paula Bernstein sat together in awe, feeling like they were looking into a mirror. Not only did they look alike, but they behaved alike, using the same hand gestures and facial expressions Spratling, On the other hand, studies of identical twins have difficulty accounting for divergences in the development of inherited diseases.

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In the case of schizophrenia, epidemiological studies show that there is a strong biological component to the disease. The closer our familial connection to someone with the condition, the more likely we will develop it. However, even if our identical twin develops schizophrenia we are less than 50 percent likely to develop it ourselves. Why is it not percent likely? What occurs to produce the divergence between genetically identical twins Carey, ?

Though genetics and hormones play an important role in human behaviour, biological explanations of human behaviour have serious deficiencies from a sociological point of view, especially when they are used to try to explain complex aspects of human social life like homosexuality, male aggressiveness, female spatial skills, and the like.

As we noted in Chapter 3, the logic of biological explanation usually involves three components: the identification of a supposedly universal quality or trait of human behaviour, an attribution of a genetic source of the behavioural trait, and an argument why this behaviour makes it more likely that the genes that code for it will be passed successfully to descendents. The conclusion of this reasoning is that this behaviour or quality is hard-wired or difficult to change Lewontin, More interesting for the sociologist in this example is that men who are not aggressive often get called sissies.

This indicates that male aggression has to do more with a normative structure within male culture than with a genetic or hormonal structure that explains aggressive behaviour. Despite growing up apart, do they share common racial, class, or religious characteristics? Aside from the environmental or epigenetic factors that lead to the divergence of twins with regard to schizophrenia, what happens to the social standing and social relationships of a person when the condition develops? What happens to schizophrenics in different societies?

How does the social role of the schizophrenic integrate him or her into a society or not? Whatever the role of genes or biology in our lives, genes are never expressed in a vacuum. Environmental influence always matters. Factory worker.

Chris Langan b. He has no college degree, few resources, and a past filled with much disappointment. Chris Langan also has an IQ of over , nearly points higher than the average person Brabham, Gladwell looked to a recent study conducted by sociologist Annette Lareau in which she closely shadowed 12 families from various economic backgrounds and examined their parenting techniques.

These parents were more likely to engage in analytical conversation, encourage active questioning of the establishment, and foster development of negotiation skills. The parents were also able to introduce their children to a wide range of activities, from sports to music to accelerated academic programs. When one middle class child was denied entry to a gifted and talented program, the mother petitioned the school and arranged additional testing until her daughter was admitted.

Lower-income parents, however, were more likely to unquestioningly obey authorities such as school boards. Their children were not being socialized to comfortably confront the system and speak up Gladwell, What does this have to do with Chris Langan, deemed by some as the smartest man in the world Brabham, ?

Chris was born in severe poverty, and he was moved across the country with an abusive and alcoholic stepfather. After accepting a full scholarship to Reed College, his funding was revoked after his mother failed to fill out necessary paperwork. Such knowledge was never part of his socialization. Chris gave up on school and began working an array of blue-collar jobs, pursuing his intellectual interests on the side. How do sociologists explain both the conformity of behaviour in society and the existence of individual uniqueness?

The concept of socialization raises a classic problem of sociological analysis: the problem of agency. How is it possible for there to be individual differences, individual choice, or individuality at all if human development is about assuming socially defined roles? How can an individual have agency , the ability to choose and act independently of external constraints?

Since Western society places such value on individuality, in being oneself or in resisting peer pressure and other pressures to conform, the question of where society ends and where the individual begins often is foremost in the minds of students of sociology.

Numerous debates in the discipline focus on this question. However, from the point of view emphasized in this chapter, it is a false question. It is, however, the unpredictable part of the self which embodies the principles of novelty, spontaneity, freedom, initiative and the possibility of change in social action because we can never be sure in advance how we will act, nor be certain of the outcome of our actions.

In a similar manner, sociologists argue that individuals vary because the social environments to which they adapt vary. In one family, children are permitted unlimited access to TV and video games; in another, there are no TV or video games, for example. When they are growing up, children adapt and develop different strategies of play and recreation.

Along a whole range of social environmental differences and responses, support and resistance, children gradually develop stable and consistent orientations to world, each to some degree unique because each is formed from the vantage point unique to the place in society the child occupies. Individual variation and individual agency are possible because society itself varies in each social situation.

Sociologists all recognize the importance of socialization for healthy individual and societal development. But how do scholars working in the three major theoretical paradigms approach this topic?

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Structural functionalists would say that socialization is essential to society, both because it trains members to operate successfully within it and because it perpetuates culture by transmitting it to new generations. Individuals learn and assume different social roles as they age.


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The roles come with relatively fixed norms and social expectations attached, which allow for predictable interactions between people, but how the individual lives and balances their roles is subject to variation. A critical sociologist might argue that socialization reproduces inequality from generation to generation by conveying different expectations and norms to those with different social characteristics. For example, individuals are socialized with different expectations about their place in society according to their gender, social class, and race.

A symbolic interactionist studying socialization is concerned with face-to-face exchanges and symbolic communication. For example, dressing baby boys in blue and baby girls in pink is one small way that messages are conveyed about differences in gender roles. For the symbolic interactionist, though, how these messages are formulated and how they are interpreted are always situational, always renewed, and defined by the specific situations in which the communication occurs.

Socialization helps people learn to function successfully in their social worlds. How does the process of socialization occur? How do we come to adopt the beliefs, values, and norms that represent its nonmaterial culture? This learning takes place through interaction with various agents of socialization, like peer groups and families, plus both formal and informal social institutions. Social groups often provide the first experiences of socialization.

Families, and later peer groups, communicate expectations and reinforce norms. People first learn to use the tangible objects of material culture in these settings, as well as being introduced to the beliefs and values of society. Family is the first agent of socialization. Mothers and fathers, siblings and grandparents, plus members of an extended family all teach a child what he or she needs to know. As you are aware, either from your own experience as a child or your role in helping to raise one, socialization involves teaching and learning about an unending array of objects and ideas.

It is important to keep in mind, however, that families do not socialize children in a vacuum. Many social factors impact how a family raises its children. For example, we can use sociological imagination to recognize that individual behaviours are affected by the historical period in which they take place.

Sociologists recognize that race, social class, religion, and other societal factors play an important role in socialization. For example, poor families usually emphasize obedience and conformity when raising their children, while wealthy families emphasize judgment and creativity National Opinion Research Center, This may be because working-class parents have less education and more repetitive-task jobs for which the ability to follow rules and to conform helps.

Wealthy parents tend to have better education and often work in managerial positions or in careers that require creative problem solving, so they teach their children behaviours that would be beneficial in these positions. This means that children are effectively socialized and raised to take the types of jobs that their parents already have, thus reproducing the class system Kohn, Likewise, children are socialized to abide by gender norms, perceptions of race, and class-related behaviours.

In Sweden, for instance, stay-at-home fathers are an accepted part of the social landscape. A government policy provides subsidized time off work — 68 weeks for families with newborns at 80 percent of regular earnings — with the option of 52 of those weeks of paid leave being shared between both mothers and fathers, and eight weeks each in addition allocated for the father and the mother. This encourages fathers to spend at least eight weeks at home with their newborns Marshall, Overall, 90 percent of Swedish men participate in the paid leave program.

In Canada on the other hand, outside of Quebec, parents can share 35 weeks of paid parental leave at 55 percent of their regular earnings. Only 10 percent of men participate. In Quebec, however, where in addition to 32 weeks of shared parental leave, men also receive five weeks of paid leave, the participation rate of men is 48 percent. In Canada overall, the participation of men in paid parental leave increased from 3 percent in to 20 percent in because of the change in law in that extended the number of combined paid weeks parents could take.

How will this effect differ in Sweden and Canada as a result of the different nature of their paternal leave policies? A peer group is made up of people who are not necessarily friends but who are similar in age and social status and who share interests. Peer group socialization begins in the earliest years, such as when kids on a playground teach younger children the norms about taking turns or the rules of a game or how to shoot a basket.

As children grow into teenagers, this process continues. Peer groups are important to adolescents in a new way, as they begin to develop an identity separate from their parents and exert independence. This is often a period of parental-child conflict and rebellion as parental values come into conflict with those of youth peer groups. Peer groups provide their own opportunities for socialization since kids usually engage in different types of activities with their peers than they do with their families. They are especially influential, therefore, with respect to preferences in music, style, clothing, etc.

Sterling picks out a rock that is a piece of dinosaur bone and motions Steve over to another table. Together they polish the dinosaur bone. And then they move a ways down the table where Sterling does the silversmithing. Steve watches as he makes the dinosaur bone into a pendant. He puts it on a chain and hands it to Steve. And a smile as big as the world! She told Sterling that Steve took his dinosaur bone pendant to school for show and tell. It sparked a class discussion on dinosaurs. The kids all crowded around wanting to see his pendant.

Steve was the most popular boy in class. Sterling has an overriding desire for everyone to experience joy in their life.

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Sterling grew up in Washington and St. George, Utah. During his teen years, after his parents were divorced, he would spend one weekend with the Mormons and the next with the Catholics.


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He recalls a splendid childhood. He remembers pretending to be a rock star from an early age, playing music with anything he could get his hands on, including pots and pans, which tended to annoy his parents. Sterling would experience life as a rock star. Hair down to here placing his hand to the small of his back. The girls fluttering around.

He was the drummer; they called themselves Star Fire. The band would attain a modest amount of fame, playing in Las Vegas and touring around the country. George put on a welcome home parade and Star Fire performed on Main Street. Sterling liked to cook, so one night when the band was on tour he cooked a meal for them all. Everyone liked it so much that Sterling ended up cooking many meals for the band along the way, trying out new recipes. The band ended up settling into Florida, performing in the Tampa Bay area. Sterling loved living in Florida.

When the band folded up, Sterling opened up a restaurant on Anna Maria Island. He was the head chef and used his own recipes. Yet, after a few years the restaurant went out of business because of mismanagement by his business partner. So, Sterling decided to go back to school. He enrolled at Florida University, where he got a degree in small business administration and studied music composition.

He got married, and has two children — Geovoni Sterling and Shaylah Marie. Sterling dabbled in music and worked with the local talent agency, recording and promoting local artists. He learned to make jewelry and loved hiking in the hills hunting for rocks and dinosaur bones. Lori and he eventually divorced. It crushed his spirit — he wanted to remain married, believed in the commitment of marriage. He tried to remain in Salt Lake to be near his children, but suddenly realized he had to get away. Something inside of him broke and collapsed.

He stuffed what he could into a bag and hit the road. The streets eventually brought Sterling to Grand Junction, where he was fortunate to get a bed in the homeless shelter. He often found himself trying to cheer the guys up, encouraging and passing around hugs; calming violent outbursts. Sterling took up the motto of trying to reach one person every day to make them feel better about themselves.

The folks from Grand Valley Peace and Justice who work with homelessness took notice. They hired Sterling to drive the homeless transportation van and offer peer support. Sterling and Mallory hit it off from the very beginning. Sterling still volunteers for Solidarity Not Charity, and engages in peer support and mentoring. Sterling loves Mallory like a sister. Her family has become his family of choice, a covenant of happy friends. He lives with them now, which is a situation that works out well for all involved. Sterling loves spending time with the children, and the children love him in return.

And he also likes to do a little cooking. Yet, most of us know Sterling as our awesomely affable Facilities Manager; we know that we are blessed to have him, as he is a sterling steward to our beautiful building. And that is how he prefers it — Sterling is quiet and soft-spoken. He sees himself as one of the roadies for his old band, dressed in black and doing the work in the background, unseen.

When Mallory first called three years ago to tell him that there was a job she thought he should apply for, Sterling was skeptical. It turns out that he could not have dreamed of a better place to work, better people for whom to work. He loves the congregation and fits right in with the gentle loving people. Just three years ago we were at the FCC church, uncertain of our survival, our numbers diminishing. When we finally found our home and made it ours, there was great celebration and a sense that we had arrived. We want to hear from all of you, especially those whose voices have not been heard and those who are new to our beloved community.

Join us for a potluck after the service. Please bring a dish to share. If you cannot attend on January 22, there will be another session on Wednesday, January 25 at pm.

Chapter 5. Socialization – Introduction to Sociology – 2nd Canadian Edition

Please attend one of the cottage meetings. Come and speak up! We very much need and want to hear your voice. Arleta Finch Carr had an idyllic childhood. She had two sisters, older and younger. Arleta was the tomboy; she was the one most often helping her father around the farm. As a nine-year-old, she got to miss school to help drive the tractor for hay harvest. Arleta drove the straight lines, and when it was time to turn around her dad would jump on the tractor to help her turn and then jump back off to help load the hay.

This saved hiring one extra farmhand. Along with farm work, Arleta also helped her dad with carpentry work when they built the barn and the addition on the house. The Finches were poor, yet Arleta never felt poor. They had chickens, milk cows, livestock and a vegetable garden. They finally got running water in the house when Arleta was in high school.

Arleta was the salutatorian in a graduating class of 42 students, and the only one to go directly on to college. She graduated from Western State College with a degree in elementary education. Duane was a year ahead of Arleta. They were married in September, They had originally planned the wedding for the following summer, but Duane was unable to get a deferment from the draft in order to attend grad school.

Arleta, her mother and two sisters sewed the wedding dress and all of the dresses for the wedding party in six weeks, using two sewing machines. Her mother thoroughly enjoyed planning the wedding and working on the dresses with her daughters. When Arleta finished school she joined Duane in Olympia, Washington. Their son Dan was born in Arleta taught school, some of it substitute teaching, at all the stops from Olympia to Cedar Rapids. Their son Don was born in The part Arleta liked about having her two children close together was being able to get through the diaper stage and put that in the rearview mirror.

They put down roots and immersed themselves in the local community. Bill Fore. Billy Jay Dee. Brian Suddards. Buddy A. Burgy Hill. Caleb Wilson. Carl Webster Cumfusion, Karl Webster. Cgard Chaim B. Bchaim, Bchaimstory. He Is the Best! Charles Hughes Mike Angelo. Chris James. Chris Johns. George's Special Academy St. Chris Newman. Colonel Calverley. Corey Anton.

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