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The clan name, or nomen gentilicium , followed. The cognomen or cognomina , for it was possible to have more than one may originally have indicated a personal characteristic—for example, Agricola farmer and Tacitus silent. It often signified the family within the clan or a branch within a family or the name of another family into which someone had married. Most people these days encounter ancient Rome through sword-and-sandals epics in the cinema or television miniseries. These can be entertaining, but often leave us unsatisfied. This is because they dump inappropriate contemporary viewpoints onto classical attitudes.

For example, we today regard the arena as an inexplicable display of mass sadism. But, although spectators certainly took a cruel pleasure in what they saw, one purpose of gladiatorial combat was to witness courage and to be strengthened or inspirited by it. Rome was a military society and physical bravery— virtus— was at a premium.

This book will have succeeded if it introduces the reader not only to the man Hadrian, but also to his world. This means making the unfamiliar familiar; for without a sense however tentative and provisional of what it was like to be alive in those distant days, the reader will make little sense of the events that follow in these pages and the people who acted them out. Acilius Attianus are appointed guardians. Philosophers expelled from Italy Flavius Clemens put to death Hadrian. Hadrian praetor Hadrian organizes first games celebrating Dacian victory Hadrian. Hadrian visits Mauretania?

Hadrian visits Syria, Judaea, Egypt? Hadrian adopts L. Hadrian adopts T. Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, who acts as joint emperor. After walking half a mile uphill into countryside, you will arrive at a great but ruined wall, some thirty feet high. A wide opening gives onto a long pool beyond which lies a calm vista of hills and valleys.

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Cypresses abound, together with holm oaks, beeches, hornbeams, and ancient olive trees. Maritime pines spread their lofty canopies like bursts of frozen green fireworks. The twenty-first century dissolves into the second, for everywhere among the trees stand Roman ruins—broken colonnades, collapsed apses, steps up to higher terraces, steps down to underground tunnels, stretches of water and broken fountains, the surviving columns of a circular temple, a grassed-over open-air theater.

Here is what remains of one of the wonders of European architecture, the villa of the emperor Hadrian near Tivoli, less than twenty miles from Rome. It was an inspiration to Renaissance architects seeking to learn the secrets of the ancient world, and as well as stealing its ideas they stripped the walls of their marble facings and the floors of their mosaics. Every statue they could find they removed for their brand-new palazzi. The word villa is a misnomer. This was no single building, but a township or a campus: more than thirty-five structures of one kind or another have been counted over an area of at least three hundred acres.

It is a mark of its scale that, after being looted for centuries as if it were a city captured by drunken soldiery, so much remains. The emperor did not commission a rural retreat for a tired autocrat; he had in mind a working and ceremonial center of government, hence the extraordinary number of banqueting rooms and reception halls. But, if we leave aside its practical uses, the most curious feature of the complex is that it was a representation in miniature of the Roman world as Hadrian saw it—or, more precisely, those parts of it that held most meaning for him.

It was his metaphor in brick and stone for the empire itself. Greece took pride of place. Here was a version of the Painted Porch of Athens, famous for its wall paintings and its association with the Stoic philosophers; and over there the Academy, the olive grove where the great Plato taught. The real Vale of Tempe is in Thessaly, land of sorceries and enchantment: it was here that Apollo, god of the sun, came after slaying a dark chthonic power, the Python, a serpent that guarded the center of the earth at Delphi, and replaced it with his famous oracle.

This luxuriant gorge was evoked at the northern end of the villa. Elsewhere, in a dip of the grounds a long rectangle of water was flanked by colonnades and statues, and was reportedly inspired by the Canopus, a canal and popular tourist trap outside Alexandria.

At one end of the pool was a monumental half-domed open-air dining room, backed by a cooling display of fountains and falling water. We do not know where this was located. But these utilitarian spaces were unlikely to have been the Hades that Hadrian had in mind. Another possibility suggests itself. Toward the far end of the imperial estate rises a high upland, with few buildings on it, where Hadrian and his companions could ride and hunt.

A huge amount of labor went into their creation: 26, cubic yards of rocks had to be cut out and removed. Vents in the ceiling let in light and air at intervals. The atmosphere in them is chilly even on hot days. They present an enigma, for they can be entered only from one end, the northern side of the rectangle.

So what were they for? Perhaps here we find an allusion to the afterlife, a disorienting space for religious rituals where the living were able to reencounter the shades of great ancestors, and even lost lovers. Equally enigmatic was the man who brought this wonderland into being.

The Aelii and the Ulpii had the usual share of irritations and friendships, marriages and estrangements, and their influence on the child lasted for his entire life. He was called Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, and he was born on the ninth day before the Kalends of February in the year when the consuls were the emperor Vespasian and his son Titus—that is to say, January 24, A. Hadrian for this is the English version of his name first saw the light of day in Rome, but his hometown was far away, on the extreme edge of the Roman empire.

Andalusia, in southern Spain, is well sited, for it is the bridge between Europe and Africa and its coastline joins the Mediterranean Sea to the Atlantic Ocean. For many centuries it has been among the poorest regions of Europe. Farm laborers there are still among the worst paid in the Continent.

Barren lands and snowcapped mountains alternate with fertile fields watered by the Guadalquivir River, which rolls down the wide valley it wore away from rock through prehistoric millennia and pours itself into the main. A few miles upstream of the fine city of Seville is the undistinguished little settlement of Santiponce. Here, way below tarmac, apartment buildings, and roadside cafes, below the feet of its more than seven thousand inhabitants, lie hidden from view the unexcavated remains of Roman Italica.

The population then was about the same as that of today, and the Aelii were among the leading families of this provincial backwater. On an eminence overlooking Santiponce, the splendid ruins of New Italica, added on to the original town by the adult Hadrian much later in his life, bake in the sun.

Wide avenues, lined with the footings of vanished shady colonnades, crisscross a vast scrubby field, once an opulent and busy urban center but now populated only by a few dusty, undecided butterflies. Blinding white high-rises and empty streets await their first occupants. Two thousand years ago the region was among the wealthiest of the Roman empire. The Latin name for the Guadalquivir was the Baetis, and the province was called Baetica after it. The great geographer Strabo, writing in the first quarter of the first century A. Turdetania [another name for Baetica, after its aboriginal inhabitants] is marvelously blessed by nature; and while it produces all things, and in large quantities, these blessings are doubled by the facilities for exporting goods, [including] large quantities of grain and wine, and also olive oil, not only in large quantities, but also of the best quality.

Olive oil sold exceptionally well. Demand from a large city such as Rome was huge perhaps as many as 5 million gallons a year were consumed , and Baetican landowners sold as much as they could produce. Evidence for this is provided by the largest rubbish dump of the classical world, Monte Testaccio in Rome—an artificial hill feet high and 1, yards wide composed entirely of broken-up amphorae, or earthenware storage jars, perhaps 45 million in all. Among the largest oil producers of southern Spain were the Aelii.

For a long time the struggle went very badly. At the time southern Spain was a Carthaginian colony, and the twenty-four-year-old Publius Cornelius Scipio led an expeditionary force there. After a masterly campaign, the young commander provoked a battle a few miles from Italica. Despite being outnumbered, he won a complete victory, interrupted only by a downpour. The battered and drenched Carthaginians tried to escape, but Scipio followed after and butchered them. Only six thousand men survived from a force of more than fifty thousand. Scipio went on to invade Carthage itself, where he routed Hannibal on his home ground.

The war was over, and the triumphant general was honored with a title to add to his ordinary names—Africanus. A large number of sick and wounded legionaries were left behind in Spain and were settled in the new town of Italica, named after Italy. This was not, or not just, a case of convenient abandonment of veterans who had become a liability; once recovered, they would make themselves useful by keeping an eye on the locals, introducing them to the Roman way of life, and, in case of unrest, using military force.

How happy he was to be deposited permanently in a foreign land far from home cannot be determined. For about years we have no news of the Aelii. Baetica prospered and, attracted by economic opportunity, immigrants from Italy poured in. Then in 49 B. This was a struggle to the death between a charming, unscrupulous, and farsighted politician and general, Gaius Julius Caesar, and the aristocratic establishment that ran the Roman Republic.

Most of the leading personalities in Italica had the ill judgment or the ill luck to choose the losing side. More than ten thousand men with an Italian background joined up to serve in the Republican army. Roman legions twice fought each other on Spanish soil and twice Caesar won; the second of these campaigns won him the war, too. Gades had been founded and colonized by Phoenicians from Tyre and Sidon on the Palestinian coast, just as Carthage had been.

Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31, chapter 1

The couple had two children, Hadrian and an elder daughter. Aelius Hadrianus was among the growing number of wealthy Baeticans who decided to pursue political ambitions in Rome. Little has come down to us about his career, but he was evidently intelligent and able. The authorities must have thought well of him, for he was probably only about twenty-nine or thirty years old, the minimum qualifying age for the praetorship. As praetor he either acted as a judge in Rome or received a commission to command a legion.

This may have been followed by a provincial governorship possibly in Baetica itself. The historian Dio Cassius, writing in the third century A. This was an excellent match, for her brother was Marcus Ulpius Traianus the cognomen doubtless derived from a marriage with one of the Traii, a Baetican clan with an interest in the mass production of amphorae.

He had with him on his staff his talented and affable son—in the Roman way, also Marcus Ulpius Traianus, whom we know as Trajan. The Ulpii were rich and grand, and Traianus was not the first member of his family to enter the Senate, the necessary but not sufficient qualification for which was a fortune of at least 1 million sesterces.

It has been estimated that there were only at most four hundred active senatorial families throughout the empire, so a place such as Italica that boasted several was fortunate indeed. The Aelii and Ulpii boasted no aristocratic Roman forebears in them. They had exploited the economic opportunities that fertile Baetica offered, and were now determined to make their mark in Rome itself. The baby Hadrian was in great peril.

Medical science was in its infancy, and while some doctors were pragmatists who encouraged healthy lifestyles and prescribed treatments that had been seen to work, others regarded medicine as a branch of philosophy or of magic, and allowed theory, often of the most bizarre kind, to replace observation.

Having managed to survive his arrival in the world, Hadrian was not yet accepted as being completely alive. Like other Roman newborn boys, he received his praenomen , or personal name, only on the ninth day after his birth, the delay reflecting the fact that many infants perished in the first week or so of life. The most common fatal diseases were gastric disorders—diarrhea and dysentery. The latter remained a threat throughout early childhood. One of the consequences of the high rate of infant mortality was that upper-class parents took care not to become too attached to their children until they were reasonably confident that they would live.

Mothers tended to avoid breast-feeding despite the fact that this accelerated their liability to conception , and Paulina was no exception. So a wet nurse had to be found. It was essential to recruit the right type of woman. Her breasts should be of medium size, lax, soft, and unwrinkled.

Paulina appointed a woman called Germana to this essential task, and we may suppose that she fulfilled the job specification. Her name suggests that she was a slave who originated in northeastern Europe. She was evidently a success, for she was later given her freedom and, in the event, reached a considerable age, outliving her charge.

His father, being a senator, was obliged by law to live in or near Rome, unless on a foreign posting. No doubt the family had a town house, and also a place in the country within striking distance of the capital. The town stands at the point where the valley narrows to a gorge. The river rushes past with spectacular cascades and makes a loop around the town, and eventually joins the Tiber.

Tibur was noted for an abundance of water and its cool, refreshing climate. Wealthy Romans escaped there from the suffocating summer heat of the capital, and sometimes lived in or near the town all year round. Their villas were often of great splendor. The fashionable author Statius wrote a eulogy of one palatial residence, a villa Tiburtina , in its wooded park by the banks of the rushing Anio.

Hadrian must have visited it and marveled. The poet went on to describe every appurtenance of luxury, the mosaics, the works of art in ivory and gold, the gemstones, the statuary. Hadrian probably spent much of his childhood in this enchanted spot, for which he harbored a lifelong affection. For his first eight years Hadrian was left in the charge of his mother. Then, in 84 or thereabouts, Hadrian became the direct responsibility of his father and his formal schooling began.

It is uncertain whether he was educated by a home tutor or sent to school. The leading educationist of the day, Marcus Fabius Quintilianus in English, Quintilian , was worried that the typical family no longer offered reliable role models. The Aelii may well have taken his advice. Elementary school classes were usually held in a rented shop with an open frontage, like a porch, in a main square. The day started at dawn or earlier and ended in the afternoon with a visit to the baths. Teaching methods were both brutal and boring, testing memory rather than intelligence. Hadrian and his fellow pupils learned the names of letters before their shapes.

They sang them forward and backward from a to x there were no y or z in the Latin alphabet and x to a. They then memorized groups of two or three letters and finally graduated to syllables and words. The basics of practical mathematics were also taught, to enable a Roman to act confidently in the daily to-and-fro of buying and selling, and of managing his money. Later he gave his students sentences to copy with their styluses on waxed tablets or with a reed pen and ink on papyrus or cardboard-thin wooden sheets. They had an abacus for counting and recited their multiplication tables in chorus.

In 85 or 86, when Hadrian was about ten years old, an event took place that transformed his world. His father died unexpectedly at the age of forty. A promising career near the summit of imperial politics was cut short. The cause of death has not been recorded, but he was most likely to have succumbed to one of the numerous epidemics in the ancient world, which struck impartially at rich and poor alike.

Domitia Paulina was in a difficult, but not altogether unusual situation. Women married young, sometimes as early as thirteen years old, soon or immediately after the onset of puberty, whereas their husbands would typically be much older, in their mid-or late twenties as a rule. Despite the high rate of mortality when giving birth, women were more likely to see their children into adulthood than were their spouses; it is estimated that only one third of twenty-five-year-olds had a living father, while nearly half still had a mother.

He was heir to a fortune, and it was agreed that masculine guidance was required to keep a watchful eye over him as he grew up and to ensure that the family estate in Baetica was well managed. So two guardians were appointed, both of whom were townsmen of Italica. He was Trajan, whom we first met in his youth when he served in the army under his father.

Now thirty-two, he was proving to be an able soldier. A great admirer of Alexander the Great, he was ambitious for military glory. Trajan followed outdoor pursuits and was a keen huntsman. The union seems to have been a mariage blanc , and there were no children. The quality that contemporaries noted and most respected in Trajan was his fair-mindedness. He had a reputation for never allowing his private pleasures to impinge on his public duties, a little-observed quality in the governing elite.

At the time, the guardianship of a ten-year-old Spanish boy was of little interest except to those directly affected; but, as it turned out, this was the moment when the fortunes of the Aelii and the Ulpii tied themselves together in an inextricable knot, with imponderable consequences for the future of Rome. Hadrian was sent to a secondary school when he was about twelve years old.

It was one of the best, or at least best known, in Rome, for its grammaticus , a Latin word meaning both secondary-school teacher and grammarian, was the celebrated Quintus Terentius Scaurus. Author of a manual on grammar and books on spelling and the correct use of prepositions, he was a master of scholarly ratiocination at its driest. Grammatical cruxes were popular talking points among educated Romans, and evidently went down well with the bright young student from Baetica; or so we infer, for the adult Hadrian made himself out to be something of an expert on linguistics.

Of course, Hadrian added bumptiously, the emperor was only an amateur. Here we have the unmistakable tones of the precocious and competitive teenager who insists on outdoing the expert, and who will never altogether grow up. It was the authentic Hadrian. Well-to-do parents understood this and appointed a paedogogus , a trusted slave who supervised children at home and accompanied them to the classroom.

He was all the more necessary as his charges approached puberty and attracted the attentions of men in the street. Boys were more at risk than girls, if only because the latter went out in public less often and were usually educated at home. Unsavory encounters were common, and a handsome bribe could transform the home tutor into a go-between.

And it did not take more than a gift or two to persuade an inquisitive child to a fumble. If a contemporary of Hadrian, the great poet and satirist Decimus Junius Juvenalis his full name is uncertain; we know him as Juvenal , is to be believed, the classroom was the scene of much furtive sexual experimentation. Observing that the teacher was expected to act in loco parentis , he wrote that fathers. Covert sexual abuse was commonly accompanied by overt physical abuse. Masters routinely flogged idle or rebellious or just lively students. A mural at Pompeii reveals a typical scene: the schoolmaster stands sternly on the left, students are seated quietly at their desks, and a boy carries the almost fully stripped culprit on his shoulders.

Another grabs his legs. The curriculum Hadrian settled down to study was narrow. The notion of a liberal education that catered to mind and body was little valued. Mathematics and science were not on the syllabus, nor music and the arts, with the sole exception of literature. Gymnastics and athletics were left to the holidays. There were, in essence, only two related subjects of study—literature and oratory—and two languages to be learned, Latin and Greek.

Hadrian was introduced to the classics of both tongues, foremost of which were the two epics of Homer, the Iliad and the Odyssey , composed by one or more oral poets in the eighth and seventh centuries B. Texts were examined in great detail and their meaning explained, their meter and syntax analyzed, as well as the tonal and rhythmic aspects of the spoken word.

Hadrian and his fellow students were taught to read aloud with intelligence and feeling. They broke down, or parsed, sentences into their constituent elements—subject, verb, object, and so forth—and scanned verse through a tough system of question-and-answer. This could be dreary work, and the classes in oratory were much more fun. For centuries, the art of public speaking had been an essential skill for any upper-class Roman interested in a career as a politician and as an advocate in the courts.

Even under the empire, when election to office had largely been replaced by imperial designation, oratory was a highly valued art. They took epigrams from the poets and developed them into arguments. A more complex task was to compose speeches around imaginary themes. These were either controversiae , exercises based on cases in a court of law, or suasoriae , the giving of advice at a public meeting. Pupils spoke on one side of a case or the other. The issue debated, of course, had less to do with the law than with resolving a moral dilemma.

Whatever might have been the case in his day, theory was not now borne out by practice. As an induction to virtue, oratory left much to be desired. The subjects for debate were too remote from the challenges of ordinary life to be relevant, and encouraged the use of specious and hairsplitting arguments. The unscrupulous would knowingly strive to make the worse cause seem the better. Speeches were honed to perfection and authors then read them aloud in lecture theaters. Audiences would applaud a particularly fine effect. The art of persuasion had dwindled into a work of art.

We are not told whether Hadrian liked going to school. Quite suddenly he became infatuated with all things Greek. She became very fond of Hadrian and was something of an intellectual and philhellene herself. Caution is called for. The Romans were a practical people who distrusted works of the imagination, unless they conferred an immediate and useful benefit.

Law, architecture, engineering—these were disciplines they could understand, for they called for rigorous mental application but no flights of fancy. However, they had little in the way of a homegrown intellectual or cultural tradition. Although they had been aware of the Greeks for all of their history, they were bowled over by what they found when they conquered the Greek world in the second century B. The cities—Athens, Antioch, Ephesus, Alexandria in every way Greek rather than Egyptian —astounded with their beauty, elegance, and splendor. Greek philosophy and scientific inquiry, its poetry and drama, provoked a deep, if reluctant, admiration.

Most well-educated Romans spoke Greek fluently; Latin poets copied the literary masterpieces of Athens and Italian architects modeled their buildings on its temples and pillared porches. When Greece was taken she took control of her rough invader, and brought the arts to rustic Latium [the Italian region where Rome can be found]. The Greece with which Hadrian was so fascinated was no longer simply that of the mainland, of the tiny city-states that drove off two Persian invasions, among whom the most powerful had been democratic Athens and militaristic Sparta, of Socrates and Plato, of Sophocles and Aristotle.

Nor was it just the larger Greece of all the many colonies that the mainland city-states had scattered around the Mediterranean along the coastlines of the Black Sea, Asia Minor, and northern Africa, in Sicily and southern Italy. This was because four centuries earlier the Macedonian king, Alexander the Great, had overthrown the Persian empire, whose territory stretched from the Ionian Sea to the Indian Ocean. After his death, his generals divided his conquests into powerful independent kingdoms, and introduced Greek ideas, Greek and Macedonian colonists, and, above all, the Greek language to these vast oriental domains.

Any natives who wanted to get on were obliged to Hellenize themselves. As Peter Green remarks:. Of course, the Greekness of many Asiatic provincials was only skin deep. Their Roman overlords thought them tricky, cowardly, greedy, and unreliable. They were venal confidence tricksters, and what could sometimes be a true talent for high-flying rhetoric was in the case of most Asiatics no more than a tiresome gift of the gab. To many traditionally minded Romans, there was something still more threatening about the Greeks—their approach to religion. Official Roman religion was not intended to be emotionally satisfying; it entailed a web of complicated rituals in the home and in the public square, designed to preserve the pax deorum , the grace and favor of the gods.

Eastern cults, by contrast, offered mysticism and their ceremonies induced out-of-body, ecstatic experiences. Initiates were often sworn to secrecy. The state, whether under the Republic or the empire, distrusted excessive excitement and was always on its guard against the coniuratio , the society bound together by a common oath and invisible except to its members. Cults were often expelled from Rome, but they were so popular that they kept creeping back. And so did two other oriental imports—magic and astrology. Magic had long been illegal, but became increasingly popular under the empire.

This last was the purpose of a curse tablet in lead found by archaeologists, which still conveys a strong stench of hatred two millennia later. It demands of a powerful spirit, or daimon ,. Kill them! The charioteers Glarus and Felix and Primulus and Romanus, kill them! Crash them! Leave no breath in them! Another version of similia similibus entailed human sacrifice, where one living person was killed either to save another or to preserve the state, or in an act of self-immolation volunteered his or her own life.

But in these days such a tragic transaction was rare, and the Baetican teenager had no grounds for supposing that it would ever apply to him, or anyone he might come to love. Hadrian was also fascinated by astrology and other arcane means of foretelling things to come. Because it depended on complicated mathematical calculations, reading the stars was felt to be more of a science than spells and incantations and, despite its inherent implausibility, was bracketed with astronomy as a legitimate form of inquiry.

It gave humankind a godlike knowledge compared to which even kingship was insignificant. Hadrian was never frightened by contradiction. At the same time, he looked back with nostalgia and respect to the heyday of the Roman Republic, long before the catastrophic first century B. He did not much enjoy studying the classics of the age, Virgil and Cicero, finding their styles too polished and orotund. Ennius was the author of the Annals , an epic poem that told the story of Rome from the fall of Troy and the arrival of the Trojan prince Aeneas on the shores of prehistoric Italy to the present day.

For many years the Annals was a set text at school, although the Aeneid came to supplant it. Ennius stood for old values. He loathed the noblemen of his day, whom he regarded as corrupt, self-serving, and softened by luxury. In his account of the Punic Wars the usual name for the wars with Carthage , Cato refused to praise any of them by name, singling out for bravery only a one-tusked Carthaginian elephant called the Syrian. But appearances deceive.

Ennius was of Greek descent and came from southern Italy, an area so dominated by Greek cities that it was named Magna Graecia, or Greater Greece. As well as the Annals , he wrote many plays in the classical Greek manner, often closely imitating works by the Athenian tragedian Euripides. And although Cato made much of his down-to-earth Romanness, a close examination of his writings reveals a detailed knowledge of Greek literature from Homer onward.

He published a textbook on public speaking, inspired by Greek rhetorical theory, and was clearly familiar with the best Greek texts. So what are we to conclude? Cato and Ennius represented a bridge between the two cultures at their respective and distinctive bests. Rome could safely enjoy Hellenic thought, imagination, and artistry without risking its predominance. However, the Greeks had failed militarily and politically. By contrast, soldiering, military? Roman boys usually attained their majority in their mid-teens, and sometime in the months that followed, he officially came of age.

The occasion, marking the onset of physical puberty rather than psychological maturity, was usually celebrated in a special ceremony on March 17, the day of the Liberalia. This was a festival of the ancient Italian fertility deities Liber identified with Bacchus, god of wine and Libera, to whom images of female and male genitalia were dedicated in their temple in Rome.


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He sacrificed at home to the household gods and, if he was at Rome, made his way, surrounded by relatives, friends, and family clients, to the Capitol, the citadel overlooking the Forum Romanum, where he visited the colossal temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Best and Greatest; he paid his respects to the divinity that protected the civic community of which he had become a full member. On quitting the status of a child, Hadrian, like other Roman boys, left school. However, his education was not yet over. He also undertook military training. Officially he was now head of the family, and this presented his kin with a serious problem.

Somehow the Aelii had to find a way of keeping their juvenile paterfamilias on the rails. Perhaps as a holding measure, Domitia Paulina and his guardians, Trajan and Attianus, decided that Hadrian should go to Baetica to inspect the family estates in his capacity as the new master. Although he had spent most of his childhood in or near Rome, Hadrian had visited Baetica once before; we are not sure exactly when, but if, as has been suggested, his father had been posted there at some point after his praetorship, he would have taken his family with him. Hadrian was now back on home ground in his own right.

It is hard to imagine Domitia Paulina allowing her inexperienced son to travel alone, and she presumably accompanied him. She will have introduced him to relatives on her side of the family in the port of Gades. He definitely met a paternal great-uncle; the encounter was more than the fulfillment of a polite obligation, for this Aelius Hadrianus was, fascinatingly, a master of astrology.

The young master visited his lands a few miles upstream from Italica; these were mostly devoted to the production and export of olive oil, and storage amphorae have been found stamped port. Bailiffs managed his estates, supervising the labor force and negotiating with tenants. Duty done, Hadrian went on to have a thoroughly good time. He learned something of military life; this did not entail joining the army but becoming a member of a local collegium , or association, of teenage boys of good family.

We can safely assume that they also enjoyed hunting, to which Hadrian was introduced when he was in Baetica. He cannot have known much about the sport beforehand, although Trajan, who was a keen huntsman, may have mentioned the subject, for most upper-class Italians saw it more as an amusement for slaves and freedmen, or as a spectacle in the amphitheater, than as a pursuit for gentlemen. Hadrian had no time for such reservations, and hunting immediately engaged his impassioned attention.

The animal most commonly pursued in the ancient world was the hare, often hunted on foot with the assistance of scent hounds and driven into nets. However, by the time of the empire sight hounds were in use, which were fast enough to have a good chance of catching the animal, and nets could be dispensed with. Huntsmen rode on horseback if they wanted to keep up with the chase without having to run long distances. A larger and more alarming enemy than the hare was the wild boar, and in the eastern provinces and northern Africa, intrepid enthusiasts hunted the lion, the leopard, the lynx, the cheetah, and the bear.

It promoted good health, improved sight and hearing, delayed old age, and, in particular, trained men for war. Xenophon, an Athenian who studied under Socrates in the fifth century B. The Olympian deities themselves enjoyed hunting, according to him, and liked to watch the sport.

Pious huntsmen opened proceedings with a prayer to Apollo and his sister, Artemis goddess of the chase, equivalent to the Roman Diana , to grant them a good bag, and closed them with a short thanksgiving. So Hadrian was able to cite respectable justification for his new craze. He needed to, for his family was showing signs of anxiety about him. Hunting was not merely time-consuming but expensive.

But, despite his own enjoyment of the chase, Trajan did not take such a relaxed view. His ward was getting above himself and had attracted criticism in Italica. From now on he treated his ward as his son, pro filio— a gesture that had as much to do with control as with affection. He would never again be in a position to kick over the traces. This may well have rankled, but not for long.

Trajan was close to the seat of power, serving as consul in 91, and was well regarded by the emperor. The sixteen-year-old Hadrian found himself at the fulcrum of great events. It was an exciting time to be in Rome. Back from Spain, Hadrian was ready to complete his education by studying public speaking under the guidance of a rhetor , or specialist in oratory. There were plenty of these oratorical experts in Rome, and the leader in a competitive field was the educational expert Quintilian. Another Spanish import, he came from what is today Navarre.

He founded a very popular school of oratory in Rome, for which he received an unprecedented state grant of , sesterces a year. He wrote:. The man who can really play his part as a citizen … the man who can guide a state by his counsel, give it a firm basis by his legislation, and purge its vices by his decisions as a judge—that man is assuredly no one else than the orator. As consul, Trajan was an influential figure at court and would have wanted to place the boy with Quintilian. Unfortunately, about the year 90, when in his late forties or fifties, the great man retired, partially or wholly, from teaching, in order to devote himself to writing.

In an ancient version of the Grand Tour, many Romans in late adolescence spent some months or more topping up their oratorical training in mainland Greece or the eastern provinces. After a period studying in Rome, whether under Quintilian or some other rhetor , Hadrian may have been one of them. In that case he could have spent time in Athens. As a member of a family heavily involved in imperial politics and military affairs, Hadrian was well placed to view and learn about the world around him. As the son of a senator he was destined, as of right, to become a senator himself.

He was entitled to attend meetings of the Senate as an observer. More important, by attaching himself to a leading politician and orator he gained a practical insight into the process of government. By chance an ancient horoscope of Sura survives, which casts an unfriendly light on his personality. The person who has the stars in this way at his nativity will be very distinguished, of very distinguished ancestors , a person of authority and punisher of many, and very wealthy … but unjust and not brought to justice … very distinguished … And he was indifferent to female inter course and sordid toward males … The moon in Gemini waxing in the trigonal configuration with Saturn in Libra and Jupiter in Aquarius also effected a happy and very wealthy theme and a person who provided many dedications and gifts for his fatherland.

It is interesting to note here that Sura, like Trajan, is reported to have slept with men, and this may indicate the existence of a well-placed cabal of intimates who shared their sexual preferences. Sura was an able military commander, as well as a noted man of letters. Through practical study and observation, Hadrian came to understand how the empire worked. Its inhabitants formed a colossal pyramid of mutual aid. He would help them by giving them food, money, even land, or by standing up for them if they got into trouble with the law. In return, clients were expected to support their patron in any way they could—voting as he wished at elections and doing all kinds of useful service.

Clientship was not legally binding, but its rules were almost always obeyed. If someone freed one of his slaves, the libertus would automatically become a client of his former owner. A man could have more than one patron, and a patron could, in turn, be a client. This benevolent reciprocity cut across social class and linked Romans to people in the provinces. The greatest patron of all was the emperor, and the clientship system enabled him to exact loyalty and cooperation. It was a reliable and trustworthy network of communication in an age when travel was slow, administrative regulation uneven, and legal redress difficult.

International trade and banking were advanced and political stability fostered. Most men and women were very poor, and knew and saw little outside their immediate world. Many produced little more than was needed for subsistence. Medium-size farms were more profitable and their owners often paid bailiffs to run them. Life was hard and often brutal. Life for ordinary people in towns and cities was no great improvement. Many were jobless or only partly employed. Emperors went to a great deal of trouble to ensure the supply of grain for Rome from Egypt and Sicily and prices were carefully controlled.

Some citizens received a grain dole and from time to time there were free distributions of other goods and money. Those who had jobs, whether slaves or freemen, mostly worked in the service industries or in manufacturing workshops. Tombstones from the early empire convey the manifold variety of the men and women Hadrian encountered as they strolled along the Roman street or snatched a bite to eat in one of the numerous fast-food bistros. Those endowed with intelligence and luck were secretaries, personal maids, or barbers to the wealthy and the well-to-do. A bold and lucky few aspired to the social and political heights: one of these was Tiberius Claudius Zosimus, a freedman, who was manager of food-tasters for the nervous emperor Domitian.

Others, unsuited to the exotic perils of the court, ran their own small businesses: a merchant of salted fish and Moorish wine commemorated himself in his own lifetime alongside his freedmen and freedwomen. Lucius Caelius was a tanner and leather-maker who lived to the ripe age for the period of sixty-one. There are fewer inscriptions to women, who tended to be wet-nurses, seamstresses, midwives, and the like.

Freedmen owned and operated banks throughout the empire, but credit was fully secured, short-term, and usually took the form of bridging loans. Letters of credit enabled travelers to obtain cash when they needed it. When it came to large sums of money, the rich arranged loans among themselves. The growing web of arrow-straight roads was primarily designed for military movements and the imperial courier service, but they were also open to traders.

Nevertheless, transport by land was painfully slow and so expensive that a journey of any length would either eliminate profit margins or substantially raise prices for bulk goods. Sea travel was much cheaper, but dangerous and out of the question during the winter. The operations of government were a technical matter that concerned few of the estimated 60 million or so men and women who lived under Roman rule. However, Hadrian, as he approached a career in public administration, needed to grasp the political realities of Rome toward the end of the first century A.

And the lessons of the past informed an understanding of the present. During the first six centuries since its legendary foundation in B. Ostensibly a democracy, assemblies of adult male citizens passed laws and elected officials who doubled as civilian administrators and generals. Although senior officials held unlimited power, or imperium , their terms of office usually lasted for only one year and the Senate, once an advisory committee consisting of past and present elected officeholders, acquired overriding authority with the passage of time. Rome was originally a monarchy, but after the kings had been expelled and a Republic established, the Romans were determined that no one man should ever again be allowed to control the state.

So two consuls replaced a single head of government. Beneath the consuls, officials of different levels of seniority ranging from quaestors, who looked after treasury business at home or abroad, to praetors came in groups of various sizes. At each level, one officeholder could veto any decision taken by a colleague. Every four or five years two censors were elected from among former consuls, with a duty to supervise public morals. They checked the list of Roman citizens and reviewed the membership of the Senate, expelling any who were guilty of reprehensible conduct.

For anything to get done, this complicated system of checks and balances required all those involved to cooperate. By the end of the first century B. Soldiers of the victorious legions needed smallholdings so that they could earn a living as farmers when their terms of service came to an end. A mean-spirited Senate was reluctant to free up land for the veterans, and a succession of ambitious generals compelled it to do so by the use or threat of force.

These able and ruthless men made a laughingstock of the Republic, and the last of them, Julius Caesar, precipitated a series of civil wars that lasted from 49 to 31 B. Everyone was grateful to Augustus, or Revered One, the title the Senate gave him in recognition of his preeminence, for bringing peace after two decades of civil strife, but gratitude in politics is an emotion that quickly evaporates. He realized that the idea of the old, competitive commonwealth still meant a great deal to the political class.

Augustus rose to the challenge. First, the forms of the old Republic were reinstated and nobles contended for all the offices of state, including the consulship, as they had always done. Second, Augustus was awarded a megaprovince, comprising the existing provinces of Spain, Gaul, and Syria. He appointed legates, or deputies, to run his provinces in absentia. Augustus reserved to himself an overriding authority— imperium maius— which allowed him to give orders to the provincial governors should that ever be necessary.

Finally, Augustus was granted tribunicia potestas— that is, all the powers of a tribune without the inconvenience of having to hold the office. As with tribunes, his person was sacrosanct and to offer him physical violence would be to break a grave taboo. There was one major difference. The Augustan constitution depended, in the last analysis, on the threat, albeit hidden, of force. The pretense that the emperor was a senator like the rest, but just happened to be rather more powerful, was gradually abandoned.

The autocracy was recognized for what it was. All that the ruling class requested was that their master did not rub their noses in their humiliation. Some emperors obliged, others did not. A growing number of non-Italians—drawn from wealthy local elites—were invited to participate in power.

The Aelii and the Ulpii were by no means the only provincial families to enjoy senatorial careers. Men who were elected to public office in the latter days of the Republic had usually been Italians, but Julius Caesar in the 40s B.

The History of Rome, Volume 3

Claudius, who reigned between A. In practice the early emperors did comparatively little to bring this about, but in the second half of the century the position changed markedly and a number of provincials attained high positions. In 56 the first Greek was appointed to the sensitive post of prefect of Egypt: this was Tiberius Claudius Balbillus, a noted court astrologer, who wrote a book about his journeys around the country he governed. It has been estimated that perhaps 17 percent of its six hundred members came from outside Italy.

Most of these were ultimately of Italian origin, but for the first time two Greek senators were elected. The minimum entry qualification to the ordo was capital or property worth , sesterces less than half the 1 million sesterces required of senators. Companies of equites collected taxes on behalf of the state, although cities in the provinces were beginning to take over this task from them.

The loss was compensated by gains at court. From the time of Augustus emperors had appointed former slaves to run the burgeoning imperial bureaucracy. These men did not have a political constituency on which they could call and so had no choice but to be totally loyal to their employer. Perhaps for this reason, but also because they made large fortunes that they tended to spend on conspicuous display, imperial libertini became dangerously unpopular.

Eventually, emperors replaced them with equites; they, too, carried little or no political weight, but, unlike freedmen, had the signal advantage of being accepted and respected members of the Roman commonwealth. Meanwhile civic leaders throughout the empire were rewarded for their willingness to take part in public life with the grant of Roman citizenship. The Romans had a long tradition that can be traced back to the distant times when they were conquering their neighbors, local tribes in central Italy.

They recruited their victims, inviting the vanquished to join the winning side. Rome awarded some of them full citizenship with privileges and others the lesser Latin Rights. Once the lands encircling the Mediterranean basin were in Roman hands, the same principle was applied. More and more men from the provinces with not a single Italian gene became citizens. This made the empire a shared enterprise in the success of which those who might otherwise have opposed an occupying power had a common interest.

The custom was that a man took on the nomen of the distinguished Roman who had granted him citizenship. The long era of peace, the pax Romana , that Augustus had introduced after his victory over Antony and Cleopatra showed no sign of coming to an end a century later. We should not allow this to mislead us.

The Romans were fundamentally belligerent. As has been seen, their politicians also acted as military leaders. To be Roman was to place a high value on individual valor and state violence. In theory the Senate condemned aggressive war, but it was usually not too difficult to devise a sufficiently plausible casus belli. And once they were in the field the legions obeyed few conventions.

The remote Britannia offers a textbook example of imperial ruthlessness. The island was invaded and annexed in A. Over the following decades, further campaigns led to the reduction of most of the island except for the far north. It is an indictment of empire builders that rings true even today:.

Robbers of the world, [the Romans] have exhausted the land by their indiscriminate devastation, and now they ransack the sea … They are unique in being as violently tempted to attack the poor as the wealthy. Robbery, butchery, rapine, the liars call empire. The modern age opened for Hadrian a few years before his birth, with the emperor Nero and the catastrophe that engulfed him in A. A revolt by provincial generals led to his suicide at the early age of thirty-two, and with that the dynasty founded by his great-great-grandfather Augustus came to an end.

For most Romans Nero became a type of the bad emperor: he had murdered his mother, decimated the Senate, and been mistakenly accused of burning down his capital city. He displayed an unhealthy, an un-Roman obsession with poetry and the arts. Where was the austere virtus of his ancestors to be found? Among philhellenes, though, Nero was celebrated as a martyr and his memory stayed evergreen for many years. There was a straightforward explanation for this abiding popularity. Nero, who assumed the purple when he was only seventeen, had been as much of a Graeculus as Hadrian a generation later.

As a boy he developed an interest in the arts, dashing off verses with facility; unusually, music was part of his childhood curriculum. The adult Nero aspired to be a great poet, musician, and performer. His aesthetic and sporting interests were essentially Hellenic: he drove a chariot at Olympia, the home of the Olympic Games, and he founded a Greek-style festival, the Neronia, in which musicians, orators, poets, and gymnasts competed for prizes.

He visited Greece, where he took part in musical, literary, and dramatic contests. During his first of two Hellenic tours probably in 67 he made the astonishing decision to liberate the province of Achaea—namely, mainland Greece up to Macedonia in the north. The emperor announced his decision in a clumsy and pretentious speech we have its text because it was taken down verbatim and carved onto a marble stele. However, the boasted liberation did not last, for a later emperor soon rescinded it. When many years later he found an opportunity to advance the same cause, he did not hesitate to seize it.

The Jews had long been the most awkward and annoyingly rebarbative of the conquered peoples, and the imperial authorities had never been certain how best to handle them, veering unpredictably between toleration and repression, ruling Judaea sometimes indirectly through a client king such as Herod the Great and sometimes directly as a province. Of an empire of about 60 million souls, a census conducted in A. Perhaps 2. Many had settled elsewhere in the empire, in Rome and especially in the eastern provinces; in an exodus in reverse, a million Jews lived in Egypt, and were a majority in two of the five districts of the city of Alexandria, second only to the imperial capital in economic importance and a learned center of Greek culture.

At about 10 percent of the total subject population, they were numerous enough to create difficulties. Although many Jews of the diaspora were willing to Hellenize themselves like everyone else in the eastern half of the empire, serious obstacles stood in the way of integration. Believing as they did in one invisible God, Jews abjured the multitude of overlapping divinities in whom both their Roman masters and their Greek-speaking neighbors confided their trust.

However, respectful of their religious scruples, the emperor intermittently forgave them the duty of sacrificing to his well-being, allowed them freedom of worship, and exempted them from military service. Toleration was not accompanied by tolerance. For most citizens of the empire monotheism was a kind of atheism. While grudgingly admiring their obduracy, both Roman and Greek despised and distrusted Jews. Aquileia, Lastly, in the case of non-burgesses communities as well as individuals admission to the Roman franchise was almost completely foreclosed. The earlier course of incorporating the subject communities in that of Rome Now the centralization of the community was abandoned, partly through the admission of the half-burgess communities to the full franchise, partly through the accession of numerous more remote burgesscolonies to its ranks ; but the older system of incorporation was not resumed with reference to the allied communities.

It cannot be shown that after the complete subjugation of Italy even a single Italian community exchanged its position as an ally for the Roman franchise ; probably none after that date in reality acquired it. Even the transition of inRoman franchise more difficult of acquisition.

The situation of the subject classes was throughout deteriorated in proportion to the gradations previously subsisting, and, while the government had formerly endeavoured to soften the distinctions and to provide means of transition from one to another, now the intermediate links were everywhere set aside and the connecting bridges were broken down.

As within the Roman burgess-body the ruling class separated itself from the people, uniformly withdrew from public burdens, and uniformly took for itself the honours and advantages, so the burgesses in their turn asserted their distinction from the Italian confederacy, and excluded it more and more from the joint enjoyment of rule, while transferring to it a double or triple share in the common burdens.

As the nobility, in relation to the plebeians, returned to the close exclusiveness of the declining patriciate, so did the burgesses in relation to the non-burgesses ; the plebeiate, which had become great through the liberality of its institutions, now wrapped itself up in the rigid maxims i of patricianism. Fulvlus Nobilior, on occasion of the founding of the burgess-colonies of Potentia and Pisaurum Cic.

The non-burgesses who were sent to share in the foundation of a burgess-colony, did not, at least in this epoch, thereby acquire de jure Roman citizenship, although they frequently usurped it Liv. Far more fraught with peril, however, was the disappearance of the distinction between the Latin and the other Italian communities.

The privileged position of the Latin nation within Italy was the foundation of the Roman power ; that foundation gave way, when the Latin towns began to feel that they were no longer privileged partakers in the dominion of the powerful cognate community, but substantially subjects of Rome like the rest, and when all the Italians began to find their position equally intolerable. It is true, that there were still distinctions : the Bruttians and their companions in misery were already treated exactly like slaves and conducted themselves accordingly, deserting, for instance, from the fleet in which they served as galley-slaves, whenever they could, and gladly taking service against Rome ; and the Celtic, and above all the transmarine, subjects formed by the side of the Italians a class still more oppressed and intentionally abandoned by the government to contempt and maltreatment at the hands of the Italians.

But such distinctions, while implying a gradation of classes among the subjects, could not withal afford even a remote compensation for the earlier contrast between the cognate, and the alien, Italian subjects. The proposal made in the senate after the battle at Cannae, to give the Roman franchise and a seat in the senate to two men from each Latin community, was made at an unseasonable time, and was rightly rejected ; but it shows the apprehension with which men in the ruling community even then viewed the relations between Latium and Rome.

Had a second Hannibal now carried the war to Italy, it may be doubted whether he would have again been thwarted. But by far the most important institution which this The epoch introduced into the Roman commonwealth, and that Provmcesat the same time which involved the most decided and fatal deviation from the course hitherto pursued, was the new provincial magistracies. The earlier state-law of Rome knew nothing of tributary subjects : the conquered communities were either sold into slavery, or merged in the Roman commonwealth, or lastly, admitted to an alliance which secured to them at least communal independence and freedom from taxation.

But the Carthaginian possessions in Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, as well as the kingdom of Hiero, had paid tribute and rent to their former masters : if Rome was desirous of retaining these possessions at all, it was in the judgment of the short-sighted the most judicious, and undoubtedly the most convenient, course to administer the new territories entirely in accordance with the rules heretofore observed.

Accordingly the Romans simply retained the Carthagino-Hieronic provincial constitution, and organized in accordance with it those provinces also, such as Hither Spain, which they wrested from the barbarians. It was the shirt of Nessus which they inherited from the enemy.

Beyond doubt at first the Roman government intended, in imposing taxes on their subjects, not strictly to enrich themselves, but only to cover the cost of to administration and defence ; but they already deviated from this course, when they made Macedonia and Illyria tributary without undertaking the government or the guardianship of the frontier there.

The fact, however, that they still maintained moderation in the imposition of burdens was of little consequence, as compared with the conversion of their sovereignty into a right yielding profit at all ; the fall was the same, whether a single apple was taken or the tree was plundered. The new of the provincial system necessitated the appointment of governors, governors. As the Roman community in the provinces took the place of the former ruler of the land, so their governor appeared there in the king s stead ; the Sicilian praetor, ; for example, resided in the palace of Hiero at Syracuse.

It is true, that by right the governor nevertheless ought to administer his office with republican honesty and frugality. Cato, when governor of Sardinia, appeared in the towns subject to him on foot and attended by a single servant, who carried his coat and sacrificial ladle. There is no question that the Roman governors although certainly but few of them pushed their conscientiousness, like Cato, to the verge of being niggardly and ridiculous made in many cases a powerful impression on the subjects, more especially on the frivolous and unstable Greeks, by their old-fashioned piety, by the reverential stillness prevailing at their repasts, by their comparatively upright administration of office and of justice, especially by their proper severity towards the worst bloodsuckers of the provincials the Roman revenuefarmers and bankers and in general by the gravity and dignity of their deportment.

The provincials found their government comparatively tolerable. They had not been pampered by their Carthaginian stewards and Syracusan masters, and they were soon to find occasion for recalling with gratitude the present rods as compared with the I coming scorpions : it is easy to understand how, in later times, the sixth century of the city appeared as the golden! But it was not practicable for any. Playing the part of governors demoralized the Roman ruling class with fearful rapidity. Haughtiness and arrogance towards the provincials were so natural in the circumstances, as scarcely to form matter of reproach against the individual magistrate.

But already it was a rare thing and the rarer, because the government adhered rigidly to the old principle of not paying public officials that a governor returned with quite clean hands from his province ; it was already remarked upon as something singular that Paullus, the conqueror of Pydna, did not take money. The bad custom of delivering to the governor " honorary Ivine" and other " voluntary " gifts seems as old as the provincial constitution itself, and may perhaps have been a legacy from the Carthaginians ; even Cato in his administration of Sardinia in had to content himself with regulating and moderating such contributions.

The right of the magistrates, and of those travelling on the business of the state generally, to free quarters and free conveyance was already employed as a pretext for exactions. Requisitions had begun to be made on the subjects even for the popular ] festivals in Rome ; the unmeasured vexatious demands I made on the Italian as well as extra-Italian communities by the aedile Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, for the festival which he had to provide, induced the senate officially to interfere against them The liberties Control The government had no right to be surprised at such governors things, for it provided no serious check on the excesses of this capricious military administration.

Judicial control, it is true, was not entirely wanting. Although, according to the universal but more than questionable rule of allowing no complaint to be brought against a commander-in-chief during his term of office i. In order to the institution of the former, a tribune of the people by virtue of the judicial power pertaining to him had to take the case in hand and bring it to the bar of the people ; the civil action was remitted by the senator who administered the corresponding praetorship to a jury appointed, according to the constitution of the tribunal in those times, from the ranks of the senate.

In both cases, therefore, the control lay in the hands of the ruling class, and, although the j latter was still sufficiently upright and honourable not absolutely to set aside well-founded complaints, and the senate even in various instances, at the call of those aggrieved, condescended itself to order the institution of a civil process, yet the complaints of poor men and foreigners against powerful members of the ruling aristocracy submitted to judges and jurymen far remote from the scene and, if not involved in the like guilt, at least belonging to the same order as the accused could from the first only reckon on success in the event of the wrong being clear and crying; and to complain in vain was.

The aggrieved no doubt found a sort of support in the hereditary relations of clientship, which the subject cities and provinces entered into with their conquerors and other Romans brought into close contact with them. The Spanish governors felt that no one could with impunity maltreat clients of Cato ; and the circumstance that the representatives of the three nations conquered by Paullus the Spaniards, Ligurians, and Macedonians would not forgo the privilege of carrying his bier to the funeral pile, was the noblest dirge in honour of that noble man.

But not only did this special protection give the Greeks opportunity to display in Rome all their talent for abasing themselves in presence of their masters, and to demoralize even those masters by their ready servility the decrees of the Syracusans in honour of Marcellus, after he had destroyed and plundered their city and they had complained of his conduct in these respects to the senate in vain, form one of the most scandalous pages in the far from honourable annals of Syracuse but, in connection with the already dangerous family -politics, this patronage on the part of great houses had also its politically perilous side.

In this way the result perhaps was that the Roman magistrates in some degree feared the gods and the senate, and for the most part were moderate in their plundering ; but they plundered withal, and did so with impunity, if they but observed such moderation. The mischievous rule became established, that in the case of minor exactions and moderate violence the Roman magistrate acted in some measure within his sphere and was in law exempt from punishment, so that those who were aggrieved had to keep silence ; and from this rule succeeding ages did not fail to draw the fatal consequences.

Nevertheless, even though the tribunals had been as strict as they were lax, the liability to a judicial reckoning could only check the worst evils. The true security for a VOL. It was in this respect that Pr vi nces the laxity and helplessness of the collegiate government governors. By right the governors ought to have been subjected to an oversight far more strict and more special than had sufficed for the administration of Italian municipal affairs ; and now, when the empire embraced great transmarine territories, the arrangements, through which the government preserved to itself the supervision of the whole, ought to have undergone a corresponding expansion.

In both respects the reverse was the case. The governors ruled virtually as sovereign ; and the most important of the institutions serving for the latter purpose, the census of the empire, was extended to Sicily alone, not to any of the provinces subsequently acquired. This emancipation of the supreme administrative officials from the central authority was more than hazardous. The man, moreover, who had just conducted a legalized military tyranny abroad, could with difficulty find his way back to the common civic level, which distinguished between those who commanded and those who obeyed, f but not between masters and slaves.

The aversion of the government to the acquisition of new provinces and to the whole provincial system ; the institution of the provincial quaestorships, which were intended to take at least the financial power out of the hands of the governors ; and the abolition of the arrangement in itself so judicious for a longer tenure of such offices ii.

The internal government of the nobility continued to follow the direction once given to it; and the decay of the administration and of the financial system paving the way for future revolutions and usurpations steadily pursued its course, if not unnoticed, yet unchecked. If the new nobility was less sharply defined than the The old aristocracy of the clans, and if the encroachment on oppos the other burgesses as respected the joint enjoyment of political rights was in the one case de jure, in the other only de facto, the second form of inferiority was for that very reason worse to bear and worse to throw off than the first.

Attempts to throw it off were, as a matter of course, not wanting. The opposition rested on the support of the public assembly, as the nobility did on the senate : in order to understand the opposition, we must first describe the Roman burgess-body during this period as regards its spirit and its position in the commonwealth. Even now good sense and discretion still thoroughly predominated. The machinery, however, by means of which the burgesses intervened in the course of public affairs became certainly more and more unwieldy, and the circumstances in which they were placed through their own great deeds far outgrew their power to deal with them.

We have already stated, that in the course of this epoch most of the former communities of passive burgesses, as well as a considerable number of newly established colonies, received the full Roman franchise pp. At the close of this period the Roman burgess-body, in a tolerably compact mass, filled Latium in its widest sense, Sabina, and a part of Campania, so that it reached on the west coast northward to Caere and southward to Cumae; within this district there were only a few cities not included in it, such as Tibur, Praeneste, Signia, Norba, and Ferentinum.

To this fell to be added the maritime colonies on the coasts of Italy which uniformly possessed the full Roman franchise, the Picenian and Trans-Apennine colonies of the most recent times, to which the franchise must have been conceded p. To some extent the unwieldiness of a civic community so constituted was.

But in all political questions the primary assembly in the Roman Forum remained alone entitled to act ; and it is obvious at a glance, that this assembly was no longer, in its composition or in its collective action, what it had been when all the persons entitled to vote could exercise their privilege as citizens by leaving their farms in the morning and returning home the same evening.

Moreover the government whether from want of judgment, from negligence, or from any evil design, we cannot tell no longer as formerly enrolled the communities admitted to the franchise after in newly Election-districts such as these, contain ing on an average the urban naturally having more the rural fewer persons entitled to vote, without loca connection or inward unity, no longer admitted of any definite leading or of any satisfactory previous deliberation disadvantages which must have been the more felt, since the voting itself was not preceded by any free debate.

Moreover, while the burgesses had quite sufficient capacity 1 In Cato s treatise on husbandry, which, as is well known, primarily relates to an estate in the district of Venafrum, the judicial discussion of such processes as might arise is referred to Rome only as respects one definite case ; namely, that in which the landlord leases the winter pasture to the owner of a flock of sheep, and thus has to deal with a lessee who, as a rule, is not domiciled in the district c.

It may be inferred from this, that in ordinary cases, where the contract was with a person domiciled in the district, such processes as might spring out of it were even in Cato s time decided not at Rome, but before the local judges. In all matters transcending mere communal affairs the Roman primary assemblies accordingly played a childish and even silly part.

As a rule, the people stood and gave assent to all proposals ; and, when in exceptional instances they of their own impulse refused assent, as on occasion of the Rise of a , At length the rabble of clients assumed a position, formally of equality and often even, practically, of superi ority, alongside of the class of independent burgesses. The institutions out of which it sprang were of great antiquity.

From time immemorial the Roman of quality exercised a sort of government over his freedmen and dependents, and was consulted by them in all their more important affairs ; a client, for instance, was careful not to give his children in marriage without having obtained the consent of his patron, and very often the latter directly arranged the match. The aristocracy not only tolerated this sort of clientship, but worked it financially and politically for their own advantage. Thus, for instance, the old penny collections, which hitherto had taken place chiefly for religious purposes and at the burial.

Presents were specially placed under legal restriction in , because the senators But the retinue of clients was above all serviceable to the ruling class as a means of commanding the comitia ; and the issue of the elections shows clearly how powerfully the dependent rabble already at this epoch competed with the independent middle class.

The very rapid increase of the rabble in the capital particularly, which is thus presupposed, is also demonstrable otherwise. The increasing number and importance of the freedmen are shown by the very serious discussions that arose in the previous century i. The majority of the Hellenes and Orientals who settled in Rome were i probably little better than the freedmen, for national ser- j vility clung as indelibly to the former as legal servility to the latter.

But not only did these natural causes co-operate to jSystematic produce a metropolitan rabble : neither the nobility nor the of the" demagogues, moreover, can be acquitted from the reproach. Popular amusements increased to an alarming extent. The first Roman demagogue by profession, ] added a second festival and a second circus ; 1 and by these institutions the tendency of which is sufficiently indicated by the very name of the new festival, " the plebeian games" he probably purchased the permission to give battle at the Trasimene lake.

When the path was once opened, the evil made rapid progress. The festival in honour of Ceres, the goddess who protected the plebeian order i.

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On the suggestion of the Sibylline 1 The laying out of the circus is attested. Respecting the origin of the plebeian games there is no ancient tradition for what is said by the Pseudo-Asconius, p. These were the severe years of the Hannibalic war on the first celebration of the games of Apollo the burgesses were summoned from the circus itself to arms ; the superstitious fear peculiar to Italy was feverishly excited, and persons were not wanting who took advantage of the opportunity to circulate Sibylline and prophetic oracles and to recommend themselves to the multitude through their contents and advocacy : we can scarcely blame the government, which was obliged to call for so enormous sacrifices from the burgesses, for yielding in such matters.

But what was once conceded had to be continued; indeed, even in more peaceful times there J 7 was added another festival, although of minor importance the games in honour of Flora. The cost of these new festal amusements was defrayed by the magistrates entrusted with the providing of the respective festivals from their own means : thus the curule aediles had, over and above the old national festival, those of the Mother of the Gods and of Flora ; the plebeian aediles had the plebeian festival and that of Ceres, and the urban praetor the Apollinarian games.

Those who sanctioned the new festivals perhaps excused themselves in their own eyes by the reflection that they were not at any rate a burden on the public purse ; but it would have been in reality far less injurious to burden the public budget with a number of useless expenses, than to allow the providing of an amusement for the people to become practically a qualification for holding the highest office in the state. The future candidates for I the consulship soon entered into a mutual rivalry in their expenditure on these games, which incredibly increased their cost ; and, as may well be conceived, it did no harm if the consul expectant gave, over and above this as it were.

The splendour of the games became gradually the standard by which the electors measured the fitness of the candidates for the consulship. Corruption, however, was not restricted to the Forum ; it was transferred even to the camp. The old burgess militia had reckoned themselves fortunate when they brought home a compensation for the toil of war, and, in the event of success, a trifling gift as a memorial of victory.

The new generals, with Scipio Africanus at their head, lavishly scattered amongst their troops the money of Rojiie as well as the proceeds of the spoil : it was on this point, that Cato quarrelled with Scipio during the last campaigns against Hannibal in Africa. The veterans from the second Macedonian war and that waged in Asia Minor already returned home throughout as wealthy men : even the better class began to commend a general, who did not appropriate the gifts of the provincials and the gains of war entirely to himself and his immediate followers, and from whose camp not a few men returned with gold, and many with silver, in their pockets : men began to forget that the moveable spoil was the property of the state.

How much the military discipline and the martial spirit. On occasion of a trifling skirmish magnified In this too the youth of quality took precedence. Already during the". Hannibalic war the censors found occasion to visit with severe penalties the remissness of those who were liable to military service under the equestrian census. Towards the close of this period ? But perhaps nothing so clearly evinces the decay of Titlegenuine pride and genuine honour in high and low alike as the hunting after insignia and titles, which appeared under different forms of expression, but with substantial identity of character, among all ranks and classes.

So urgent was the demand for the honour of a triumph that there was difficulty in upholding the old rule, which accorded a triumph only to the ordinary supreme magistrate who augmented the power of the commonwealth in open battle, and thereby, it is true, not unfrequently excluded from that honour the very authors of the most important successes. There was a necessity for acquiescence, while those generals, who had in vain solicited, or had no prospect of attaining, a triumph from the senate or the burgesses, marched in triumph on their own account at least to the Alban Mount first in No combat J with a Ligurian or Corsican horde was too insignificant to be made a pretext for demanding a triumph.

In order to. While formerly the commanderin-chief of the one year had reckoned it an honour to serve next year on the staff of his successor, the fact that the consular Cato took service as a military tribune under Tiberius Sempronius Longus and Manius Glabrio Formerly the thanks of the community once for all had sufficed for service rendered to the state : now every meritorious act seemed to demand a permanent distinction. Already Gaius Duilius, the victor of Mylae , had gained an exceptional permission that, when he walked in the evening through the streets of the capital, he should be preceded by a torch-bearer and a piper.

Statues and monuments, very often erected at the expense of the person whom they purported to honour, became so common, that it was ironically pronounced a distinction to have none. But such merely personal honours did not long suffice. A custom came into vogue, by which the victor and his descendants derived a permanent surname from the victories they had won a custom mainly established by the victor of Zama who got himself designated as the hero of Africa, his brother as the hero of Asia, and his cousin as the hero of Spain.

The first certain instance of such a surname is that of Manius Valerius Maximus, consul in , who, as conqueror of Messana, assumed The presence of Maximus as a surname in the Valerian i. When the ruling order did not disdain to settle the funeral arrangements for different ranks and to decree to the man who had been censor a purple winding-sheet, it could not complain of the freedmen for desiring that their sons at any rate might be decorated with the much-envied purple border.

The robe, the ring, and the amulet-case distinguished not only the burgess and the burgess s wife from the foreigner and the slave, but also the person who was free-born from one who had been a slave, the son of free-born, from the son of manumitted, parents, the son of the knight and the senator from the common burgess, the descendant of a curule house from the common senator p.

"Here Comes the Breakdown" - Acoustic Original - Shaughnessyred

The dissension in the community was reflected in the ranks of the opposition. Resting on the support of the farmers, the patriots raised a loud cry for reform ; resting on the support of the mob in the capital, demagogism began its work. Although the two tendencies do not admit of being wholly separated but in various respects go hand in hand, it will be necessary to consider them apart. The party of reform emerges, as it were, personified in Marcus Porcius Cato Cato, the last statesman of note belonging to that earlier system which restricted its ideas to Italy and was averse to universal empire, was for that reason accounted in after times the model of a genuine Roman of the antique stamp ; he may with greater justice be regarded as the representative of the opposition of the Roman middle class to the new Hellenico- cosmopolite nobility.

Brought up at the plough, he was induced to enter on a political career by the owner of a neighbouring estate, one of the few nobles who kept aloof from the tendencies of the age, Lucius Valerius Flaccus. That upright patrician deemed the rough Sabine farmer the The party Df reform. Beneath the aegis of Flaccus, and after the good old fashion serving his fellow-citizens and the commonwealth in counsel and action, Cato fought his way up to the consulate and a triumph, and even to the censorship.

He was the same in the Forum, as in the battle-field. His prompt and fearless utterance, his rough but pungent rustic wit, his knowledge of Roman law and Roman affairs, his incredible activity and his iron frame, first brought him into notice in the neighbouring towns ; and, when at length he made his appearance on the greater arena of the Forum and the senate- house in the capital, constituted him the most influential advocate and political orator of his time.

He took up the key-note first struck by Manius Curius, his I ideal among Roman statesmen i. He was anything but comely he had green eyes, his enemies alleged, and red hair and he was not a great man, still less a far-seeing statesman. Thoroughly narrow in his political and moral views, and having the ideal of the good old times always before his eyes and on his lips, he cherished an obstinate contempt for everything new.

Deeming himself by virtue of his own austere life entitled to manifest an unrelenting severity and harshness towards everything and everybody ; upright and honourable, but without a glimpse of any duty. The ruling lords, no doubt, looked down with a lofty disdain on the ignoble growler, and believed, not without reason, that they were far superior ; but fashionable corruption in and out of the senate secretly trembled in the presence of the old censor of morals with his proud republican bearing, of the scarcovered veteran from the Hannibalic war, and of the highly influential senator and the idol of the Roman farmers.

He publicly laid before his noble colleagues, one after another, his list of their sins; certainly without being remarkably particular as to the proofs, and certainly also with a peculiar relish in the case of those who had personally crossed or provoked him. With equal fearlessness he reproved and publicly scolded the burgesses for every new injustice and every fresh disorder. His vehement attacks provoked numerous enemies, and he lived in declared and irreconcilable hostility with the most powerful aristocratic coteries of the time, particularly the Scipios and Flaminini; he was publicly accused forty-four times.

Indeed when in Cato and his like-minded patrician Police This warfare directed against individuals, and the various reform. The processes of count and reckoning instituted by him and by those who shared his views before the burgesses uniformly remained, at least in the cases that were of political importance, quite as ineffectual ] as the counter-accusations directed against him. Assigna- Far more practical and more useful were the attempts lamf Ol made to counteract the spread of decay by indirect means; among which, beyond doubt, the assignations of new farms ; out of the domain land occupy the first place.

These assignations were made in great numbers and of considerable extent in the period between the first and second war with Carthage, and again from the close of the latter till towards the end of this epoch. The most important of them were the distribution of the Picenian possessions By far the greater part of these highly beneficial foundations may be ascribed to the reforming party. Qato and those who sharedjiis opinions demanded LS The exchequer cannot have wanted means for the purpose; but the proposal appears to have been thwarted by the exclusive spirit of the nobility and their endeavour to remove from the burgess-cavalry those who were troopers merely and not knights.

On the other hand, j the serious emergencies of the war, which even induced the j Roman government to make an attempt fortunately unsuccessful rto recruit their armies after the Oriental fashion from the slave-market ii. Apart from the fact that they took up for VOL. These innovations, which belong presumably to the end of the preceding or beginning of the present epoch, doubtless did not originate in party efforts any more than did the Servian military reform ; but they gave a material impulse to the democratic party, in so! The poor ; and the freedmen began to be of some importance in the i commonwealth from the time when they served it; and chiefly from this cause arose one of the most important constitutional changes of this epoch the remodelling of the comitia centuriata, which most probably took place in ; the same year in which the war concerning Sicily terminated Miinzwesens, p.

But Appius Claudius, who first in expressed the. According to the new arrangement the right of priority in voting was withdrawn from the equites, although they retained their separate divisions, and it was transferred to a voting division chosen from the first class by lot. The importance of that aristocratic right of prior voting cannot be estimated too highly, especially at an epoch in which practically the influence of the nobility on the burgesses at large was constantly on the increase.

Even the patrician order proper were still at this epoch powerful enough to fill the second consulship and the second censorship, which stood open in law alike to patricians and plebeians, solely with men of their own body, the former up to the close of this period till , the latter even for a generation longer Either therefore he expressed the same amounts in heavy asses, and these were at the reduction of the coinage converted into light ; or he proposed the later figures, and these remained the same notwithstanding the reduction or the coinage, which in this case would have involved a lowering of the class-rates by more than the half.

Grave doubts may be raised in opposition to either hypothesis ; but the former appears the more credible, for so exorbitant an advance in democratic development is not probable either for the end of the fifth century or as an incidental consequence of a mere administrative measure, and besides it would scarce have disappeared wholly from tradition. Besides, the formal retention of the earlier rates, while there was a general increase in the amount of men s means, involved of itself in some measure an extension of the suffrage in a democratic sense.

The total number of the divisions remained likewise unchanged ; but, while hitherto, as we have said, the 18 equestrian centuries and the 80 of the first class had, standing by themselves, the majority in the voting centuries, in the reformed arrangement the votes of the first class were reduced to 70, with the result that under all circumstances at least the second grade came to vote. Still more important, and indeed the real central element of the reform, was the connection into which the new voting divisions were brought with the tribal arrangement.

Formerly the centuries originated from the tribes on the footing, that whoever belonged to a tribe had to be enrolled by the censor in one of the centuries. From the time that the non-freehold burgesses had been enrolled in the tribes, they too came thus into the centuries, and, while they were restricted in the comitia tributa to the four urban divisions, they had in the comitia centuriata formally the same right with the freehold burgesses, although probably the censorial arbitrary prerogative intervened in the com.

This preponderance was established by the reformed arrangement on the legal footing, that of the 70 centuries of the first class, two were assigned to eac-h tribe and, accordingly, the non-freehold burgesses obtained only eight of them ; in a similar way the preponderance must have been conceded also in the four other grades to the freehold burgesses. In a like spirit the previous equalization of the freedmen with the free-born in the right of voting was set aside at this time, and even the freehold freedmen were assigned to the four urban tribes.

Its democratic, but by no means demagogic, tendency is clearly apparent in the position which it took up towards the proper supports of every really revolutionary party, the proletariate and the freedmen. For that reason the practical significance of this alteration in the order of voting regulating the primary assemblies must not be estimated too highly. The new law of election did not prevent, and pe. It is certainly not owing to the mere imperfection of tradition, defective as it undoubtedly is, that we are nowhere able to point to a practical influence exercised by this much-discussed reform on the course of political affairs.

An intimate connection, we may add, subsisted between this reform, and the alreadymentioned abolition of the Roman burgess-communities sine suffragio, which were gradually merged in the community of full burgesses. The levelling spirit of the party of progress suggested the abolition of distinctions within he middle class, while the chasm between burgesses md non- burgesses was at the same time widened and deepened.

Results of Reviewing what the reform party of this age aimed at atReform! But we fail to discover any higher political aim. The discontent of the multitude and the moral indignation of the. Whether the disease could be remedied at all by human skill, remains fairly open to question ; the Roman reformers of this period seem to have been good citizens rather than good statesmen, and to have conducted the great struggle between the old civism and the new cosmopolitanism on their part after a somewhat inadequate and narrow-minded fashion.

In his caustic fashion the old man describes these fops formed after the model of the Greek talkers of the agora, dealing in jests and witticisms, singing and dancing, ready for anything; such an one was, in his opinion, good for nothing but to exhibit himself as harlequin in a procession and to bandy talk with the public he would sell his talk or his silence for a bit of bread. In reality these demagogues were the worst enemies of reform.

While the reformers insisted above all things and in every direction on moral amendment, demagogism preferred to insist on the limitation of. Although the government once after On several occasions subsequently Through its abeyance the Roman constitutional system, so artificially constructed, lost a corrective which was very desirable with reference to its peculiar feature of collegiate magistrates i. The priesthoods particularly those politically most important, the colleges of men of lore according to ancient custom filled up the vacancies in their own ranks, and nominated also their own presidents, where these corporations had presidents at all; and in fact, for such institutions destined to transmit the knowledge of divine things from generation to generation, the only form of election in keeping with their spirit was cooptation.

It was therefore although not of great political importance significant of the incipient disorganization of the republican arrangements, that at this time before , while 2Q2. In this case, however, with a pious regard for forms that is genuinely Roman, in order to avoid any error, only a minority of the tribes, and therefore not the "people," completed the act of election.

Of greater importance was the growing interference of flnterferthe burgesses in questions as to persons and things be-; community longing to the sphere of military administration and in war and external policy. To this head belong the transference. YRhodians ; ii.

To allow the primary assembly to decree the transference of public property without limit to its own pocket is not only wrong, but is the beginning of the end ; it demoralizes the best-disposed citizens, and gives to the proposer a power incompatible with a free commonwealth. Salutary as was the distribution of the public land, and doubly blameable as was the senate accordingly for omitting to cut off this most dangerous of all weapons of agitation. Spurius Cassius had doubtless two hundred and fifty years earlier proposed the same thing i.

Never even in the most limited monarchy was a part so completely null assigned to the monarch as was allotted to the sovereign Roman people : this was no doubt in more than one respect to be regretted, but it was, owing to the existing state of the comitial machine, even in the view of the friends of reform a matter of necessity.

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The government of the senate might be bad ; the primary assemblies could not govern at all. Not that an evil-disposed majority predominated in them ; on the contrary the counsel of a man of standing, the loud call of honour, and the louder call of necessity were still, as a rule, listened to in the comitia, and averted the most injurious and disgraceful results.

The burgesses, before whom Mar. But in order to such elections and such decrees there was needed some special stimulus ; in general the mass having no will of its own followed the first impulse, and folly or accident dictated the decision. Disorgani- A In the statCj as in every organism, an organ which no zation of ionger discharges its functions is injurious. The nullity of government, the sovereign assembly of the people involved no small danger. Any minority in the senate might constitutionally ;appeal to the comitia against the majority.

At every step the government was thwarted and led astray by those incalculable decrees of the burgesses, and as was to be expected, most of all in the very cases where it was most in the right. But the weakening of the government and the weakening of the community itself were among the lesser dangers that sprang from this demagogism. Still more directly the. That which formally issued forth as the will of the supreme authority in the state was in reality very often the mere personal pleasure of the mover ; and what was to be the fate of a commonwealth in which war and peace, the nomination and deposition of the general and his officers, the public chest and the public property, were dependent on the caprices of the multitude and its accidental leaders?

The thunder-storm had not yet burst ; but the clouds were gathering in denser masses, and occasional peals of thunder were already rolling through the sultry air. It was a circumstance, moreover, fraught with double danger, that the tendencies which were apparently most opposite met together at their extremes both as regarded ends and as regarded means.

Family policy and demagogism carried on a similar and equally dangerous rivalry in patronizing and worshipping the rabble. Gaius Flaminius was regarded by the statesmen of the following generation as the initiator of that course from which proceeded the reforms of the Gracchi and we may add the democratico-monarchical revolution that ensued.

Only the dreamy mysticism, on which the charm as well as the weakness of that remarkable man so largely depended, never suffered him to awake at all, or allowed him to awake but imperfectly, out of the belief that he was nothing, and that he desired to be nothing, but the first burgess of Rome. Various alterations in details, no doubt, were made on the part of the senate as well as on the part of the i popular opposition. The majorities in each were still well disposed, and still frequently, notwithstanding the chasm that separated the parties, joined hands in a common endeavour to effect the removal of the worst evils.

But, while they did not stop the evil at its source, it was to little purpose that the better- disposed listened with anxiety to the dull murmur of the swelling flood and worked at dikes and dams. Contenting themselves with palliatives, and failing to apply even these especially such as were the most important, the improvement of justice, for instance, and the distribution of the domains in proper season and due measure, they helped to prepare evil days for their posterity.

By neglecting to break up the field at the proper time, they allowed weeds even to ripen which they had not sowed. To the later generations who survived the storms of revolution the period after the Hannibalic war appeared the golden age of Rome, and Cato seemed the model of the Roman statesman. It was in reality the lull before the storm and the epoch of political mediocrities, an age like that of the government of Walpole in England ; and no Chatham was found in Rome to infuse fresh energy into the stagnant life of the nation.

Wherever we cast our eyes, chinks and rents are yawning in the old building ; we see workmen busy sometimes in filling them up, sometimes in enlarging them ; but we nowhere perceive any trace of preparations for thoroughly rebuilding or renewing it, and the question is no longer whether, but simply when, the structure will fall. During no epoch did the Roman constitution remain formally so stable as in the period from the Sicilian to the.

It is at this epoch that the wholesale system, as regards both the cultivation of land and the management of capital, becomes first established under the form, and on the scale, which after! A summary outline of these economic relations will conduce to a more accurate understanding of the internal history of Rome. Roman husbandry l applied itself either to the farming 1 In order to gain a correct picture of ancient Italy, it is necessary for us to bear in mind the great changes which have been produced there by modern cultivation. Of the cerealia, rye was not cultivated in antiquity ; and the Romans of the empire were astonished to find that oats, with which they were well acquainted as a weed, was used by the Germans for making porridge.

Rice was first cultivated in Italy at the end of the fifteenth, and maize at the beginning of the seventeenth, century. Potatoes and tomatoes were brought from America ; artichokes seem to be nothing but. A very distinct view of the first of these is presented to us in the description given by Cato. The Roman land -estates were, considered as larger Farming holdings, uniformly of limited extent. That described by Cato had an area of jugera ; a very common measure was the so-called centuria of jugera. Where the J laborious culture of the vine was pursued, the unit of husbandry was made still less ; Cato assumes ill lhat-ease an area of jugera.

Any one who wished to invest. The heritable lease was not recognised in the manage- ["Management of Italian private any more than of Roman public a cultivated variety of the cardoon which was known to the Romans, yet the peculiar character superinduced by cultivation appears of more recent origin. The date-palm, introduced into Italy "from Greece as into Greece from the East, and forming a living attestation of the primitive commercial-religious intercourse between the west and the east, was already cultivated in Italy years before Christ Liv.

The cherry, or fruit of Cerasus on the Black Sea, was later in being introduced, and only began to be planted in Italy in the time of Cicero, although the wild cherry is indigenous there ; still later, perhaps, came the apricot, or "Armenian plum. Cotton was first cultivated in Europe by the Arabs. The buffalo also and the silkworm belong only to modern not to ancient Italy.

It is obvious that the products which Italy had not originally are for the most part those very products which seem to us truly " Italian;" and if modern Germany, as compared with the Germany visited by Caesar, may be called a southern land, Italy has since in no less degree acquired a "more southern" aspect. Ill He was thus enabled on the one hand to work a number of estates at the same time, and on the other hand to devote himself, as circumstances might require, to public affairs. Objects of The grain cultivated consisted especially of spelt and wheat, with some barley and millet ; turnips, radishes, garlic, poppies, were also grown, and particularly as fodder for the cattle lupines, beans, pease, vetches, and other leguminous plants.

The seed was sown ordinarily in autumn, only in exceptional cases in spring. Much activity was displayed in irrigation and draining ; and 1 According to Cato, de R. That the shares were ordinarily equal may be conjectured from the analogy of the French bail d cheptel and the similar Italian system of half-and-half leases, as well as from the absence of all trace of any other scheme of partition. It is erroneous to refer to the case of the politor, who got the fifth of the grain or, if the division took place before thrashing, from the sixth to the ninth sheaf Cato, , comp.

Meadows also for supplying hay were not wanting, and even in the time of Cato they were frequently irrigated artificially. Of equal, if not of greater, economic importance than grain and vegetables were the olive and the vine, of which the former was planted between the crops, the latter in vineyards appropriated to itself. The rearing of cattle, on the other hand, held a far less important place in the economy of the Italians than it holds in modern times, for vegetables formed the general fare, and animal food made its appearance at table only exceptionally ; where it did appear, it consisted almost solely of the flesh of swine or lambs.

Although the ancients did not fail to perceive the economic connection between agriculture and the rearing of cattle, and in particular the importance of producing manure, the modern combination of the growth of corn with the rearing of cattle was a thing foreign to antiquity. The larger cattle were kept only so far as was requisite for the tillage of the fields, and they were fed not on special pasture -land, but, wholly during summer and mostly during winter also, in the stall.

Sheep, again, were driven out on the stubble pasture; Cato allows head to jugera. Frequently, however, the proprietor preferred to let his winter pasture to a large sheep-owner, or to hand over his flock of sheep to a lessee who was to 1 That the space between the vines was occupied not by grain, but only at the most by such fodder plants as easily grew in the shade, is evident from Cato 33, comp. It was only where the vine was trained on living trees that corn was cultivated in the intervals between them. Swine Cato assigns to a large estate ten sties poultry, and pigeons were kept in the farmyard, and fed as there was need ; and, where opportunity offered, a small hare-preserve and a fish-pond were constructed the modest commencement of that nursing and rearing of game and fish which was afterwards prosecuted to so enormous an extent.

Means of The labours of the field were performed by means of Cattle" fy xen which were employed for ploughing, and of asses, which were used specially for the carriage of manure and for driving the mill ; perhaps a horse also was kept, apparently for the use of the master. These animals were not reared on the estate, but were purchased ; oxen and horses at least were generally castrated.